----- Original Message ----- 
From: John A Imani 
To: [email protected] ; [email protected] ; 
[email protected] 
Sent: Monday, May 23, 2011 8:07 PM
Subject: [rac] Economist: Land Grabs


The surge in land deals
When others are grabbing their land
Evidence is piling up against acquisitions of farmland in poor countries 
May 5th 2011 | from the print edition 

  a.. b.. 
THE farmers of Makeni, in central Sierra Leone, signed the contract with their 
thumbs. In exchange for promises of 2,000 jobs, and reassurances that the bolis 
(swamps where rice is grown) would not be drained, they approved a deal 
granting a Swiss company a 50-year lease on 40,000 hectares of land to grow 
biofuels for Europe. Three years later 50 new jobs exist, irrigation has 
damaged the bolis and such development as there has been has come "at the 
social, environmental and economic expense of local communities", says Elisa Da 
ViĆ  of Cornell University.

When deals like this first came to international attention in 2009, it was 
unclear whether they were "land grabs or development opportunities", to quote a 
study published that year. Supporters claimed they would bring seeds, 
technology and capital to some of the world's poorest lands. Critics, such as 
the director of the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation, dubbed them 
"neo-colonialist". But no one had hard evidence to back up their claims. Now 
they do. Two years on, a conference at the Institute of Development Studies 
(IDS) of the University of Sussex, the biggest of its kind so far, examined 
over 100 land deals. Most judgments are damning.*


Land grabs have been strikingly popular. Preliminary research by the 
International Land Coalition, a non-governmental organisation, reckons almost 
80m hectares have been subject to some sort of negotiation with a foreign 
investor, more than half in Africa (see chart). This estimate is far higher 
than a previous one, by the World Bank, which last year said that foreign 
investors had expressed interest in 57m hectares. It is higher still than one 
by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) which put the 
figure in a 2009 study at 15m-20m hectares. It would be wrong to draw a line 
between these numbers so as to conclude that land deals have grown fourfold. 
Since most are secret, knowing what to count is difficult, and the figures 
refer to different periods. 

Yet each time someone has looked at the phenomenon, the result has been a 
figure roughly twice the earlier estimate. It is also clear that the overall 
scope is vast: 80m hectares is more than the area of farmland of Britain, 
France, Germany and Italy combined. And land deals are continuing, possibly 
even speeding up. Over a tenth of the farmland of South Sudan has been leased 
this year-even before the country has formally got its independence. GRAIN, an 
advocacy group, says it has seen proposals that would allow Saudi business 
groups to take control of 70% of the rice-growing area of Senegal. 

It is not just the size of land deals that remains uncertain. Their contractual 
basis often is, too. Few contracts have been made public, so details are 
sketchy. But an investigation of 12 that have been, by Lorenzo Cotula of the 
International Institute for Environment and Development, declares many "not to 
be fit for purpose". The rights and obligations of each side, Mr Cotula says, 
are usually extremely vague, while traditional land-use rights are frequently 
ignored. As one farmer asked when a British company acquired forestry rights in 
Tanzania: "How come others are selling our land?"

Even after the contract is signed, there is no guarantee a land deal will go 
ahead in accordance with it. A survey by the World Bank? showed that in the 
Amhara region of Ethiopia, only 16 of 46 projects were working as intended (the 
rest lay fallow or had been rented back to smallholders). In Mozambique only 
half the projects were working as planned. 

Still, some conclusions seem warranted. When land deals were first proposed, 
they were said to offer the host countries four main benefits: more jobs, new 
technology, better infrastructure and extra tax revenues. None of these 
promises has been fulfilled.

Locals usually regard jobs as the most important of these. But so far they have 
been scarce, and only partly because many projects are not yet up and running. 
In Mozambique, the World Bank found, one project had promised 2,650 jobs and 
created a mere 35-40 full-time positions. A survey by Thea Hilhorst of 99 
smaller projects in Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger reported "hardly any" rural 
job creation. Only one of the publicly available contracts studied by Mr Cotula 
even specifies a number of new jobs to be created. And when there are jobs, 
foreign investors often bring in outsiders to staff them, leading to "conflict 
or accusations of cheating", according to the World Bank. The manager of one 
project was killed during an argument about jobs. 

Evidence of the transfer of technology and skills is mixed. Ms Hilhorst found 
almost no impetus towards greater professionalism in farming, although she 
concedes that closer links with food processors and distributors might improve 
matters. The World Bank's study argued that technological improvements in 
Ukraine and Mexico had helped reduce rural out-migration (though this was 
surprising: you might have expected new labour-saving technologies to encourage 
underemployed farmers to leave the land). Mr Cotula's study of land-deal 
contracts found few examples in which the foreign investor was obliged to 
exchange materials or ideas with local farmers. At the moment, land-grabbing 
foreigners seem to be creating islands for themselves, cut off from the 
poverty-stricken countryside.

Grabbing sans giving

Some projects' operators have done better in building new schools, clinics and 
other "social infrastructure". Madagascar may be a surprising example as it 
witnessed what is perhaps the most notorious land grab of all: a South Korean 
company was offered half the country's arable land-a proposal that fuelled 
protests which eventually toppled the government who approved the deal. Two 
years later Perrine Burnod of CIRAD, a French research organisation, found that 
the number of land deals on the island had fallen by two-thirds. And those that 
remained had begun to look more like aid projects, with investors committing 
themselves to building schools and clinics. Local mayors were welcoming them in 
to help finance projects no longer supported by the cash-strapped central 
government.

Yet this is atypical. Most land deals contribute little or nothing to the 
public purse. Because markets for land are so ill-developed in Africa and 
governments so weak, rents are piffling: $2 per hectare per year in Ethiopia; 
$5 in Liberia. Tax and rent holidays are common. Indeed, it is not unusual for 
foreign investors to pay less tax than local smallholders. And upfront 
compensation to local farmers for use of their land is derisory: often just a 
few months of income for agreeing to a 100-year lease.

"The risks associated with such investments are immense," concludes the World 
Bank. "In many cases public institutions were unable to cope with the surge in 
demand.Land acquisitions often deprived local people, in particular the 
vulnerable, of their rights.Consultations, if conducted at all, were 
superficial.and environmental and social safeguards were widely neglected."

So why are land deals popular? That is surprisingly easy to answer: strong 
demand and willing suppliers. The big investors tend to be capital-exporting 
countries with large worries about feeding their own people. Their confidence 
in world markets has been shaken by two food-price spikes in four years. So 
they have sought to guarantee food supplies by buying farmland abroad. China is 
by far the largest investor, buying or leasing twice as much as anyone else. 

Local elites have also played a vital role in spreading land deals. In a 
Tanzanian project described by Martina Locher of the University of Zurich, 
"local people who refer to customary law have a very low level of knowledge 
[and cannot] defend their land rights." In contrast, she writes, "state law is 
mainly represented by district officials, who.enjoy a high level of respect by 
local people."

Then there is corruption. Many of the west African "land grabbers" described by 
Ms Hilhorst are local politicians, civil servants and other urban elites who 
bribe local chiefs with gifts of motorbikes. Madeleine Fairbairn of the 
University of Wisconsin, Madison, argues that in Mozambique, an informal 
division of the spoils has emerged. Local bigwigs use their influence to get 
"facilitation fees", while national leaders manipulate the law and promote (or 
obstruct) projects to their own and their supporters' advantage.

Many development projects work this way. What makes land grabs unusual is their 
combination of high levels of corruption with low levels of benefit. Ruth 
Meinzen-Dick, one of the authors of the IFPRI study, says that in 2009 the 
balance of costs and benefits was genuinely unclear. Now, she argues, the 
burden of evidence has shifted and it is up to the proponents of land deals to 
show that they work. At the moment, they have precious few examples to point 
to. 





http://www.economist.com/node/18648855

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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