http://www.marxist.com/greece-on-the-brink-of-revolutionary-situation.htm
 Greece on the brink of revolutionary
situation<http://www.marxist.com/greece-on-the-brink-of-revolutionary-situation.htm>
Written by Stamatis Karagiannopoulos Monday, 06 June 2011
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*Yesterday a milestone was passed in the social and political situation in
Greece and throughout Europe. Impressive mobilizations rolled across the
country: half a million in Athens and rallies  of thousands of people
gathered in Thessaloniki, Patras, Larissa, Volos, Heraklion, etc. This
places Greece on the threshold of a revolutionary situation. It means that,
for the first time in decades the developed capitalist countries of Europe
are faced with the prospect of a revolution with continental dimensions.*
Half a million protesters in Athens - Uprising across the country

[image: June 2, Syntagma Square. Photo: Rania H.]
<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/greece/Jun_2_Syntagma_Square-Rania_H.jpg>Yesterday's
gathering in Athens, apart from its impressive size, had many new elements.
The awkwardness and blind rage that characterized the first days of the
movement have given way to enthusiasm. The masses have acquired a sense of
confidence through the collective show of strength. While the early days
were focused on the idea of a silent angry people, yesterday the mood had
changed. The people shouted ingenious slogans against the government and the
“Troika”, and everywhere groups of people were spontaneously formed in which
everyone wanted to express an opinion on the movement and on the next steps
to be taken.

At the same time, in the most advanced part of the protesters, especially in
the youth, an interest to seek a political solution for the "next day" was
evident. This explains the enormous interest in participating in the
People's Assembly of Syntagma Square, which was attended by 10,000 people,
patiently waiting to participate, although very few were able to speak.

>From 9.30 pm onwards, the density of the protest made it impossible even to
approach the site of the assembly. The predominant element in the meeting
was the spontaneous opinions voiced by ordinary workers, unemployed and
young people expressing the need to continue the struggle.

Many proposals were made: "to besiege the parliament on the day the
austerity measures are put to the vote"; "to fight to set up popular
meetings in every neighborhood"; "to put into practice the decision of the
People's Assembly for an indefinite general political strike"; "to fight the
media propaganda with an organized campaign in the neighborhoods and
squares”. On one point all were agreed:  "next Sunday there will be a
million people in the streets of Athens!”
The situation becomes revolutionary

The masses are erupting onto the scene very dramatically and are
consistently to the forefront. The climate in the neighborhoods this week
highlights the potential for mass assemblies. The enthusiasm from the
protests is being carried into every workplace, thereby putting tremendous
pressure on the leadership of the unions to take action. Already the GSEE
leadership has been forced to call a 24 hour strike of all those companies
that are soon to be privatized on Thursday 9th June. For the first time
these workers will be engaged in coordinated action, while another 24 hour
general strike was announced for 15th June.

It is certain that this general strike will be different to those we saw
last year. Coming as part of the general escalation of the mass movement
that has developed in the squares, it will have a much greater participation
than before in the private sector. And it will be combined with the most
widespread popular protests in decades. This strike will not mobilize only a
part of the working class, but will tend to embrace the vast majority of the
working class and trade unions. It will put the proletariat at the head of a
struggle that is not a struggle for economic demands alone, but a political
struggle of the masses in the streets. This strike therefore will have an
inner tendency to become a lasting general strike, regardless of the
intentions of the bureaucracy.
What is revolutionary situation?

In the writings of Lenin and Trotsky, we can find the definition of what is
a revolutionary situation. In his book "The failure of the Second
International" (1916) Lenin explained:

“What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We
shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major
symptoms: (1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their
rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another,
among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class,
leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the
oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually
insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old   way;
it is also necessary that “the upper classes should be unable” to live in
the old way; (2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have
grown more acute than usual; (3) when, as a consequence of the above causes,
there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who
uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”, but, in
turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and
by the “upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.

“.....The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary
situation. Such a situation existed in 1905 in Russia, and in all
revolutionary periods in the West;...”

Trotsky in 1940, in the Emergency Manifesto explained the necessary
conditions for the victory of the proletariat:

“The basic conditions for the victory of the proletarian revolution have
been established by historical experience and clarified theoretically: (1)
the bourgeois impasse and the resulting confusion of the ruling class; (2)
the sharp dissatisfaction and the striving towards decisive changes in the
ranks of the petty bourgeoisie, without whose support the big bourgeoisie
cannot maintain itself; (3) the consciousness of the intolerable situation
and readiness for revolutionary actions in the ranks of the proletariat; (4)
a clear program and a firm leadership of the proletarian vanguard—these are
the four conditions for the victory of the proletarian revolution.”
(Manifesto of the Fourth International on Imperialist War and the
Imperialist War).

All these elements have developed in Greece today. The ruling class begins
to understand that they cannot govern as before; to lie and deceive the
masses, i.e. with the old, gentle, "democratic" means. The suffering and
indignation of the masses have been growing over a long period. The masses
have already begun to move independently of the ruling class.

The ruling class finds itself in a state of unprecedented confusion because
of the impasse. They are absolutely unable to reach to a unified strategy.
Some say:  “we must completely capitulate to the foreign lenders and see
where we can go from there". Others suggest that Greece should "renegotiate
with the troika”, while still others say we must "get out of the euro now in
order to strengthen the country's competitiveness." Some say: "let’s form a
national government", while others urge Papandreou to continue carrying out
the dirty work until he gets the boot. Some, are even secretly studying the
possibility of a coup, in an attempt to put the brake on the movement of the
masses. This scenario was outlined in a leaked report by the CIA in the
bourgeois press last week.

The desertion of 16 PASOK MPs from the government over the issue of new cuts
and taxes, shows that the pressure of the movement has destabilized the
government’s parliamentary group for good. New Democracy and LAOS, fearing
that they will go down together with Papandreou’s sinking ship, are now
keeping their distance from the government, trying to speculate on the
result of a future election.

The traditional mainstay of the bourgeoisie, the middle classes have been
radicalized and are now in the streets. The proletariat again and again
shows its readiness to act. All the basic elements for a revolutionary
situation have matured. The only thing that is lacking is a clear programme
and firm leadership of the proletarian vanguard. That is all that is needed
quickly to convert the revolutionary situation into a victorious revolution
which will expropriate the exploiters and eliminate capitalism, setting in
motion a movement that can lead to the victory of socialism in Greece, the
Mediterranean and throughout Europe.
The leadership of the Left is acting criminally

Ever since the beginning of mass movement on the streets, the Left leaders
have adopted an unacceptable attitude. The leadership of the Communist Party
sends ultimatums to the people located in squares, urging them to "finally
make the right policy proposals!" (See main article in Rizospastis on 3 /
6). The task of a Communist Party leadership is not to ask the movement to
“make the right policy proposals”, but to participate actively in the
movement, to try to raise the of consciousness and help the masses to
formulate the correct demands.

Last Friday, the Stalinist leadership of the Communist Party made complete
fools of themselves in front of the eyes of thousands gathered in the
Syntagma Square. That afternoon a demonstration of PAME, the trade union
faction of the Communist Party, ended up in the Square. There they delivered
a 15-minute speech, during which the Communist Party called on the people
assembled on the squares *ex cathedra* "not to trust anybody else except
PAME".

When the speech was over, in order to avoid mixing up the protesters in the
square with the Communist workers, the organizers of the PAME demo
immediately ordered members of the Communist Youth to form "chains" and
immediately, the "Communist" left the square. In this way, the Stalinist
leadership of the Communist Party has proved eloquently their organic
inability to connect with the real mass movement. They have shown that they
regard it simply as a means of strengthening the Party’s position in the
parliamentary elections.

On the other hand, the leadership of SYRIZA refuses to enter the movement
openly and boldly. It is a very serious mistake just to ask for elections,
without making any proposal on how to further develop the movement, when
people are on the streets, getting self-organized, ready to get rid of the
government and the "troika" altogether. It is also an incorrect attitude of
the CC of Synaspismos (decision 29 / 5) to ask Party members to participate
in the movement, while pretending to be “non-partisan";* " ... In this
movement we participate as citizens, trying to listen and learn, we take
part in uniting our voice with thousands of angry in  each square of the
country ....* ".

The rank and file of the Left parties should respond to this damaging
attitude. The position of comrade Alexis Tsipras (President of Synaspismos)
and comrade Aleka Papariga (Secretary of the Communist Party) must not be
confined to party offices and television panels. The place of the leaders of
the Left in these moments is in Syntigma and the other squares. If the Left
fails to participate openly and boldly in the movement, with appropriate
ideas and suggestions that will help lead to victory and the final overthrow
of the capitalist system of slavery, the core of the movement will be
occupied by all sorts of petty-bourgeois and professional "patriots" who are
trying to obscure the social content of the movement, replacing the class
struggle with nationalist confusion.
The working class must lead the struggle!

The outbreak of this mass movement in the squares, found the labour movement
in a state of fatigue and frustration, mainly because of the devastating
role of the union bureaucracy, which up to now imagined they could defuse
the militant mood of hundreds of thousands of workers with an occasional
24-hour general strike. So naturally, the initiative in the fight against
the government and the “Troika”, passed from the unions to broader sections
of people, who had not been involved in mobilizations in the last few years.

Unemployed university graduates, skilled and unskilled unemployed, young
people without work experience, middle class people devastated by taxes and
robbing banks and the collapse of the market, workers without any union or
political affiliation, students who are just beginning to be politicized,
pensioners and housewives: people from all layers of the working society
form the main basis of this mass movement in the squares.

These layers have a fresh and combative mood. They don’t have bureaucratic
leaders above them to put the brake on the mobilization and so far, they
have created a movement that has proved to be persistent and long lasting.
On the other hand, as is perfectly natural, these layers’ together with
explosive anger and militancy, display inexperience of mass protests and are
desperately seeking appropriate political slogans, appropriate fighting
methods and specific political demands.

In these circumstances, therefore, the need for a distinct contribution of
the working class and the labour movement in the struggle is decisive. The
decisions of the People's Assembly of Syntagma Square calling for a general
strike clearly recognize this need. Without paralyzing the economic centers
of the system, there cannot be any fundamental change in society. But very
little has been done until now to realize the general political strike
demand.

Most of the leading layer in the Popular Assembly in Syntagma Square are
under the false impression that the general strike is a merely a militant
auxiliary to the demonstrations in the squares. In reality, it represents a
decisive escalation of struggle and reflects a new, higher stage of this
struggle. We must understand that the general strike cannot be organized by
shouting slogans outside the union offices and workplaces, but must flow
from the demands of the workers themselves through the trade unions and
workplaces.

In working-class neighborhoods and workplaces, we must create action
committees and elect strike committees to prepare for the strike. That is
the only way to guarantee its success. Finally, it is vital to make clear
that a general political strike will lead to the downfall of the government.
It must not bring to power a government of bourgeois political careerists,
but rather one of elected representatives of the people coming out of the
movement itself.

Therefore, the democratic organization of the movement is a crucial issue,
not only for the growth but also for the solution of the question of power
in order to serve the interests and aspirations of the indignant working
people. The views put forward by different groups of intellectuals within
the movement on "direct procedures” and “democracy through sms and e-mails”,
which are portrayed as "direct democracy”, have nothing to do either with
the immediate issues or democracy.
What we need now

What we need now is:

   - Popular Assemblies in every neighborhood, with assemblies in the
   workplaces to elect recallable action committees everywhere.
   - Popular Assemblies in the central squares of all major cities that are
   composed of elected and recallable representatives at neighborhood
   workplaces meetings and.
   - The create of a Pan-Hellenic Central Committee elected by the
   recallable representatives of the Popular Assemblies of the different
   cities.

Finally, at the heart of the struggle should be the following two demands:

   - A complete write-off of the debt created by Greek and foreign
   exploiters and thieves!
   - To abolish forever the nightmare of debt, poverty and unemployment we
   need to place the  control of the financial centers and the concentrated
   wealth of the country (banks, insurance companies, infrastructure, transport
   and big firms in every industry) under social ownership, through the
   democratic control of the working people, as a step forward the victory of
   the revolution throughout Europe and the world!

*Athens, 6 June, 2011.*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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