Top radio talkers sell endorsements
By: Kenneth P. Vogel and Lucy McCalmont
June 15, 2011 04:36 AM EDT

If you’re a regular listener of Glenn Beck’s 
radio show and you wanted to contribute to a 
political group that would advance the populist 
conservative ideals he touts on his show, you’d 
have plenty of reason to think that FreedomWorks was your best investment.

But if you’re a fan of Mark Levin’s radio show, 
you’d have just as much cause to believe that 
Americans for Prosperity, a FreedomWorks rival, 
was the most effective conservative advocacy 
group. And, if Rush Limbaugh or Sean Hannity are 
who you listen to, you’d be hearing a steady 
stream of entreaties to support the important work of the Heritage Foundation.

That’s not coincidence. In search of donations 
and influence, the three prominent conservative 
groups are paying hefty sponsorship fees to the 
popular talk show hosts. Those fees buy them a 
variety of 
<http://www.politico.com/static/PPM170_110614_levinafp.html>promotional 
<http://www.politico.com/static/PPM170_freedomworks.html>tie-ins, 
as well as regular on-air plugs – praising or 
sometimes defending the groups, while urging 
listeners to donate – often woven seamlessly into 
programming in ways that do not seem like paid advertising.

“The point that people don’t realize,” said 
Michael Harrison, founder and publisher of the 
talk media trade publication TALKERS Magazine, 
“is that (big time political talk show hosts) are 
radio personalities – they are in the same 
business that people like Casey Kasem are in – 
and what they do is no different than people who 
broadcast from used car lots or restaurants or 
who endorse the local roofer or gardener.”

The Heritage Foundation pays about $2 million to 
sponsor Limbaugh’s show and about $1.3 million to 
do the same with Hannity’s – and considers it money well spent.

“We approach it the way anyone approaches 
advertising: where is our audience that wants to 
buy what you sell?” Genevieve Wood, Heritage’s 
vice president for operations and marketing. “And 
their audiences obviously fit that model for us. 
They promote conservative ideas and that’s what we do.”

Last month, in the midst of a 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0511/55051.html>flurry 
of scrutiny of GOP presidential candidates’ 
stances on health insurance 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0511/54651.html>mandates 
similar to one included in the 2010 Democratic 
healthcare overhaul, Limbaugh took to the 
airwaves to defend Heritage’s past support for such a proposal.

“The Heritage Foundation to this day says they 
are being impugned and misrepresented in terms of 
their advocacy for such a thing,” 
<http://www.rushlimbaugh.com/home/daily/site_051811/content/01125107.guest.html>Limbaugh
 
said, explaining that the venerable think tank 
“abandoned the idea once they saw it implemented” 
and realized “it doesn’t work.”

Limbaugh, who has been a paid Heritage endorser 
<http://www.rushlimbaugh.com/home/daily/site_010709/content/01125109.guest.html>since
 
2009, said the reversal did nothing to detract 
from the “profound … respect for Heritage. 
Heritage is the gold standard. Heritage was every 
bit as involved in Reaganism as Reagan was, and nothing’s changed.”

Levin, whose endorsement deal with the tea party 
organizing group Americans for Prosperity started 
last summer, was similarly protective of his 
sponsor last year after President Barack Obama 
singled out the group in making the case that 
anonymously funded attack ads 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1010/43470.html>were 
distorting the midterm elections.

“Americans for Prosperity is a magnificent 
organization that people join voluntarily. You. 
Me,” Levin said 
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tiJQWtE8mm0>on 
his syndicated radio show. Obama, Levin 
continued, “wants you to hate Americans for 
Prosperity. So if he wants you to hate it, then 
you should embrace it, and promote it, and 
support it and join it, because it’s effective.”

Beck, lavishing praise on FreedomWorks’s new 
social network website this year, seemed to 
acknowledge the blurriness of the line between 
his show’s content and messages paid for by advertisers.

“This is a new thing from FreedomWorks and by the 
way, they are sponsor of this program and I have 
a commercial to do for them in, well, in just a 
few minutes. I don’t think they’re going to get 
one because this is pretty much it,” he said on 
his show, in a clip that’s 
<http://www.glennbeck.com/2011/02/14/freedom-connector-get-organized>posted 
on his personal website. “But it is something 
that I believe in, I’m not saying this because 
they’re paying me to do a commercial in a couple 
of minutes. This is something that I think is absolutely critical.”

To be sure, the hosts’ political perspectives 
dovetail with those of their endorsees and their 
paid sponsorships do not preclude them from 
discussing – or even praising – other groups.

And the integration of sponsors and their causes 
into the content of conservative talkers’ shows 
is not unique to advocacy groups and think tanks, 
as Beck demonstrated in 2009 when he melded his 
frequent warnings of impending economic collapse 
with his promotion 
of<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30231.html>gold, 
generally, and the precious metals retailer that 
sponsored his show, 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0910/42222.html>Goldline, specifically.

That prompted liberals – led by now-embattled 
Democratic Rep. Anthony Weiner – to accuse Beck 
and, to a lesser extent, other conservative talk 
show hosts sponsored by gold retailers, of using 
misleading fear-mongering 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0510/37413.html>tactics 
“to cheat consumers.”

The increased willingness of non-profits to write 
big checks for such radio endorsements – which 
appears to have started in 2008, when Heritage 
<http://www.politico.com/static/PPM191_heritagefoundation.html>paid 
$1.2 million to sponsor the talk shows hosted by 
Hannity and Laura Ingraham – seems to be a 
primarily, if not entirely, a conservative phenomenon.

That’s perhaps attributable to the enduring power 
of talk radio on the right, as well as a newer 
development, the explosion of grassroots 
engagement by tea partiers and other newly 
mobilized Republican activists, which has spurred 
a competition for grass roots support – 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30595.html>and 
contributions - among conservative groups.

Heritage estimates that it in each of the past 
two years, its sponsorships with Limbaugh and 
Hannity brought in more than 40,000 new 
memberships starting at the $25 level, while 
FreedomWorks said that in the three months after 
its Beck sponsorship started in April 2010, the 
group saw a huge spike in traffic to its website 
(which featured a photo of Beck linked to a 
fundraising 
<http://mediamatters.org/research/201006140030>appeal), 
resulting in 50,000 new email sign-ups.

Americans for Prosperity wouldn’t divulge any 
details about its sponsorship of Levin, but board 
member Art Pope said the endorsement “makes AfP’s 
position on issues and policies more widely known 
and it also does attract grassroots activists or potential donors to AfP.”

The groups pay the companies that distribute the 
hosts’ shows, and not the hosts directly, for the endorsements.

While the deals differ, most provide the 
sponsoring group a certain number of messages or 
so called “live-reads,” in which the host will 
use a script, outline or set of talking points to 
deliver an advertisement touting the group and 
encouraging listeners to visit its website or contribute to it.

Some sponsorship deals also include so-called 
“embedded ads” in which the sponsors’ initiatives 
are weaved into the content of the show, say 
sources familiar with the arrangements, while the 
hosts have been known to feature officials from 
their sponsoring groups on their 
<http://www.glennbeck.com/content/articles/article/196/42475/>shows, 
though the sources say that’s not typically part of the arrangements.

But officials with the groups stress that they 
sought out the hosts because they were already 
ideologically in sync with their causes.

When Americans for Prosperity was looking for an 
endorser, its president Tim Phillips said on a 
member phone 
<http://www.americansforprosperity.org/070610-mark-levin-strategy-call>call 
last year featuring Levin and unveiling the 
partnership “we looked at talk radio, who are 
really the vanguard of the conservative free 
market, freedom movement in America these days.

“And among all those folks, the one guy we really 
singled out and said we want to work with him is 
Mark, Mark Levin. Because he stands for what we 
believe in.” (Pope put it slightly differently, 
telling POLITICO “We were involved in discussions 
and conversations with several and reached an agreement with Mark Levin.”)

After announcing FreedomWorks’ sponsorship of 
Beck last year, Kibbe told POLITICO “as far as 
fits go, this is a good one. This is a guy who 
talks about (free-market economist and 
libertarian hero Friedrich August) Hayek on his show.”

Still, Kibbe said “it was a long, long 
conversation to sell him on the idea of FreedomWorks as a group.”

And a source close to Beck’s production company, 
Mercury Radio Arts, said “The important thing is 
not whether the company is a non-profit involved 
in politics, selling flowers or protecting 
hard-drives, it is whether Glenn believes in 
them, and he believes the listener benefits from 
FreedomWorks and his radio show’s other clients.”

For instance, when General Motors accepted 
federal bailout money, Beck ended his sponsorship 
agreement with the company, the source said.

But the endorsements of the big national 
conservative groups, in particular, have prompted 
grumbling from leaders of smaller non-profits, 
who say the deals smack of the pay-to-play 
politics that tea partiers allege has undermined 
the credibility of the conservative establishment.

For instances, Beck’s deal created some ill will 
among activists affiliated with the 9.12 Project, 
an all-volunteer, unfunded tea party-esque group 
Beck himself had started more than one year 
before he agreed to 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0510/37491.html>endorse FreedomWorks.

“Ads on Glenn’s show may take you a long way, but 
it is FreedomWorks’ actions that form its 
reputation and will be the deciding factor in 
whether the ‘boots on the ground’ actually choose 
to work with you,” wrote a 9.12 Project leader 
named Stephani Scruggs in a July email to 
FreedomWorks officials with whom she was working 
to promote tea party 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0910/42043.html>activities.

Leaders of other conservative groups worry that 
better-funded groups are able to use their deep 
pockets to gain further advantage through the 
sponsorships, and that grassroots activists – 
particularly newer ones – may not be entirely 
aware of the monetary side of the partnerships.

“I wish more of the grassroots knew the reality 
that this wasn’t Rush or Sean or Beck saying 
these things out of the goodness of their 
hearts,” said the leader of one group who 
inquired about ads on various radio shows, but 
decided they were both too expensive and 
ethically suspect. “If the grassroots found out 
that these guys were getting paid seven figures a 
year to say this stuff, it might leave a bad taste in their mouth.”

Heritage pioneered the sponsorships in 2008 
partly as a way to broaden its appeal outside the 
Beltway. In 2009, it dropped Ingraham and added 
Limbaugh, and – according to its 
<http://www.politico.com/static/PPM153_her.html>tax 
forms – paid $3.3 million to Premiere Radio 
Networks, which syndicated Limbaugh’s show and 
also had picked up Hannity’s show.

“We decided ‘let’s go with the largest 
audiences,’ which are Rush and Sean,” said 
Heritage’s Wood. While she wouldn’t provide the 
precise breakdown, Wood said it’s roughly – but 
not “exactly” – accurate to say Limbaugh’s 
sponsorship cost $2 million and Hannity’s cost 
$1.3 million in 2009, and that the rates remained similar last year.

FreedomWorks’s deal with Beck, which started on a 
trial basis last April “was kind of based on what 
Heritage does with Rush Limbaugh,” Kibbe told POLITICO last summer.

FreedomWorks’s 2010 tax 
<http://www.politico.com/static/PPM153_inc.html>filings, 
released this month, show $1.4 million in 
payments for “advertising services” to Rebecca 
Hagelin Communications and Marketing.

Hagelin – a former Heritage official whose online 
<http://patriotpost.us/opinion/rebecca-hagelin/>biography 
calls her “the architect of Heritage’s 2008 
national radio campaign with Sean Hannity and 
Laura Ingraham and the 2009 partnership with Sean 
Hannity and Rush Limbaugh” – “is helping us with 
several marketing initiatives, including Beck,” 
said FreedomWorks spokesman Adam Brandon.

Though Brandon wouldn’t say how much of the 
payment to Hagelin went towards the Beck 
sponsorship, he called the endorsement “a major 
part” of FreedomWorks nearly doubling its 
fundraising between 2009, when it raised $7.6 
million, and 2010, when it pulled in $13.8 million.

Beck’s listeners are “passionate and active” and 
have become known around FreedomWorks as the 
group’s “shock troops,” Brandon said.



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