[image: Logo Venezuela Analysis] Learning to Live without Hugo

Jun 28th 2011, by Aram Aharonian – Alai-amlatina
[image: In this image, a Chavez supporter signs a public 'Get
Well' letter to the Venezuelan president (Photo: PSUV).]

In this image, a Chavez supporter signs a public 'Get Well' letter to the
Venezuelan president (Photo: PSUV).
[image: This type of pro-Chavez urban art, common throughout
Venezuela's humble neighborhoods, reads "Chavez is the People&quo]

This type of pro-Chavez urban art, common throughout Venezuela's humble
neighborhoods, reads "Chavez is the People" expressing a common sentiment
among the nation's working poor (Photo: Archive).

Venezuelans are trying to learn to survive without the presence of President
Hugo Chavez. Everyone misses him; the Bolivarians [government supporters]
and the opposition, equally. Because politics in Venezuela has revolved
around him for the last thirteen years. While Chavez is still in Cuba after
undergoing surgery for a pelvic abscess and without a publicly known precise
diagnosis.

Among the daily questions is who will succeed the leader if his illness is
extended (Vice-president Elias Jaua?) [until] the confirmation of the
constituting act of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States
(CELAC) set for 5 July in Caracas and the elections next year of the
president and governors.

The opposition see their reason for existing in terms of what Chavez says,
decrees, opinions, expropriates, signs, declaims, or relates. All their
vicissitudes are, without doubt, Chavez’s fault. Those who showed they were
ready to assassinate the “baddie” are now demanding his quick return.

On the other hand, all the hopes of the Chavista masses are invested in the
leader, and unfortunately there’s no one with enough credibility and
charisma who could come out with a calming message. Never have so many
Venezuelans been so helpless, so lost, with an enormous question mark on
their foreheads.

And over the last two weeks, because of the absence of the head of state,
the text message chains, rumours, gossip, and the most unlikely tales have
circulated through the formal information services and via informal means,
from Radio Bemba [a Mexican alternative radio] to Twitter.

The opposition is dying to get rid of him, by voting or however, but it’s
enough that he’s away for a few days and they miss him. Chavez sets the
political and informational agenda and the opposition complains about what
he says and does as if that were the only reason for their existence. They
don’t have any alternative plans, proposals, or a new project for the
country.

*The Venezuelan foreign minister, Nicolas Maduro, said that President Hugo
Chavez is in charge of the government and he’s fighting for his life –
referring to the state of his health – something that many understood as
meaning that he has a terminal illness. “The battle that President Chavez is
fighting for his health has to be everyone’s battles, the battle for life,
for the immediate future of our country. This is what we can pass on to our
fellow countrymen and woman,” said Maduro.*

And the vice-president Elias Jaua came out and clarified, “The national and
international right wing is going crazy, rubbing its hands together...even
talking about the death of the president. They go about it like on 11 April
2002 [the date of the coup against Chavez]. We would remind them that here
every 11 has its 13 of April [when the coup was overturned] and that Chavez
will be here for a while.”

*The Silence of Innocent People*

*In the last two months a series of controversies have passed through the
Bolivarian ranks. One of those that still hasn’t healed and that has
resulted in criticism by Venezuelan and Latin American left wing
intellectuals and censure from the layers of Bolivarian power, was the
deportation of Joaquin Perez Becerra, director of the news agency Anncol, as
well as the arrest of FARC member Julian Conrado in Barinas state. Some
apologists for the handovers even prefer to confuse international solidarity
with interference in internal affairs.*

*The sociologist Javier Biardeau, as he was defending the critical voices,
suggested that this happens in the mentioned case, but also in millions of
cases that translate the decomposition of the Bolivarian revolution, its
retrogression. “Without critical voices, there won’t be three Rs, let alone
a million [referring to the revolution’s three Rs of Rectification,
Revision, and Reimpulse]. It’s enough with one step...Rectify”.*

*The pro-Chavez Collective of Workers in Revolution (CRT) said that those
who fight for socialism, against the techno-bureaucracy and capital, are
condemned to pay for the silence of the innocents [or the fools] for not
letting themselves be “co-opted, led, or “godfathered” by sectors of the
leadership of the party and/or the government, which is basically the same.
The idea is to hide failures, irregularities, betrayals that this new caste
of privileged people and small-bourgeoisie commit daily against the
political lines of the revolution, against Chavez and the Chavista people,
at all cost.*

*Further on the workers say that “they [the bureaucracy] are the
official-ism [officials of the government], and we’re the Chavez-ism, they
are the privileged, and we are the excluded, they exercise their power using
moral and psychological paid killings, and we construct and strengthen our
organisations in the daily battle between capital and work, with daily
actions and mobilisations. The silence of the fools is the stigma that we’re
subjected to – when there aren’t spaces for debate, discussion and
collective construction, or simple the resolution of conflicts”.*

*They add that [the bureaucracy] functions with strict orders to make
invisible, to not put on air, publish, or interview on state media, those
who defend the rights of workers and the revolutionary process. “It’s not
convenient for them because we’re critical; we’re a threat to the
tecno-bureaucracy and its small-bourgeoisie privileges”.*

*They say that the silence of the “fools” functions like a “moral hired
killing, like psychological terrorism, and blackmail to shut-up those who
struggle, to silence those who denounce corruption and bad government, to
end with those who grow ethically and morally, because we’re coherent with
what we say and do.”*

*Wikileaks Pulls the Petals off the Opposition*

This time it was the Colombian magazine Semana, like last time it was the
Spanish daily El Pais, which filtered a cable revealed by Wikileaks and left
the president of the main party of the opposition, Democratic Action (AD),
Henry Ramos Allup in very bad light.

This time the cable pointed to the legislator Ismael Garcia, of the party
Podemos, and other leaders (Juan Jose Molina and Ricardo Gutierrez) who met
with [U.S] ambassador Patrick Duddy in order to request financing through
the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and other United States
government funds.

“This is the time to begin,” legislator Ismael Garcia said to the ambassador
of the United States in Caracas, Patrick Duddy, when Duddy commented to him
in September 2009 that Washington wouldn’t intervene in Venezuela’s affairs.
At that time Podemos, with six legislators, was the only opposition party in
the National Assembly. It had separated from Chavez-ism in 2007. Garcia
justified his petition for money – including for setting up a radio or
television station – by the possible risks that U.S interests were facing
with the presence of Cuba and Iran in the country.

In Venezuela no one doubts the truth of the fact, but what is surprising is
that the same thing comes out when the Democratic Unity Table [opposition
umbrella group] tries to wrap up the opposition, debates its internal
candidates and tries to unburden itself of personalities who could impede a
united solution.

*Just like no one doubts the other cable leaked by Wikileaks that sustains
that the pope John Paul II ordered Venezuelan priests to refrain from
participating in efforts to bring down Chavez almost ten years ago. In that
case, the Venezuelan ecclesiastical hierarchy defied the Pope, with the
encouragement of the George W Bush administration.*

Cables from the State Department indicated that officials of the Church in
the Vatican informed U.S. diplomats about the concerns of the Pope, but they
recognised that the Catholic bishops of the counter were going to possibly
ignore the orders, as was shown alter, they were involved in the coup d’état
and the petroleum sabotage [in 2002 and 2003].

Within the opposition they are still looking for a uniting candidate, as
their internal elections approach next February, but also it shows that it’s
not enough to criticise the government.

To get into power the opposition should present an alternative
political-economic project, because to play at waiting for the political
suicide of the government at the feet of the voter makes it seem that the
opposition doesn’t have an alternative to offer.

Within the leadership of the opposition they are arriving at a consensus to
not hurry things: If Chavez can’t reintegrate himself partially or totally,
the vice-president will finish of the term.

The fear of the leaders is that if Chavez isn’t the candidate in 2012, all
possibility of unity among them, among those who oppose him, will evaporate.

*Aram Aharonian is a Uruguayan-Venezuelan journalist and teacher, editor of
the magazine Question, founder of Telesur, director of the Latin American
Observatory in Communication and Democracy (ULAC)

*Translation by Tamara Pearson for Venezuelanalysis.com*
 ------------------------------
*Source URL (retrieved on 29/06/2011 - 4:43pm):*
http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/6308


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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