Time to Default?
Egypt vs. the IMF
By ERIC WALBERG

It is no secret that 
Egypt has put all its faith in the US and Western international 
institutions since the days of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, 
contracting a huge foreign debt, a process that was increasingly 
corrupt, despite being careful watched over by those very agencies. This
 debt is financed by foreign banks, and must be repaid in dollars -- 
with interest. If much of the money they create and then "lend" is 
siphoned off into Swiss bank accounts, that is Egypt's problem. No one 
is trying to charge the people who gave Mubarak or his henchmen their 
money and then let them re-deposit it with them, but it takes two to 
tango. 
Whether or not a fraction of it actually helps the 
Ahmeds in the meantime, it is the Egyptian people who are held 
responsible for it all and must comply with IMF "adjustment programmes",
 involving privatisation, deregulation, regressive taxation, an end to 
subsidies to the poor, and much more unpleasant "tough love". 
Egypt's revolution momentarily shattered the 
complacency of this devilish scenario. The explosion under the weight of
 the grinding poverty the system produced caught the Western bankers and
 political leaders by surprise and they hurried to embrace the 
revolution and co-opt it when they realised it was inevitable. This 
culminated in the IMF's offer of the loan to cover the yawning gap in 
Egypt's first post-revolution budget, which will double the lowest 
salaries, improve social services and introduce a progressive income 
tax. 
This unusual gesture of generosity by the IMF (a low 
interest rate and supposedly no strings attached) was really intended to
 keep Egypt from straying from the orthodox monetary fold, as other 
countries have done in the past in similar situations. It was 
enthusiastically supported by Egypt's elite, largely trained at US 
universities in the arcana of monetary theory. "Otherwise, Egypt was 
about to be considered in default," Hani Genena, senior economist at 
Pharos Holding for Investments told Al-Ahram Weekly. This is precisely 
what countries such as Russia, Argentina and Ecuador have done in the 
past. 
The Higher Council of the Armed Forces, Egypt's de 
facto ruler, was not impressed with assurances that the loans were 
"without conditions", and General Sameh Sadeq told the government to 
cancel the loan, with its "five conditions that totally went against the
 principles of national sovereignty" which would "burden future 
generations". Finance Minister Samir Radwan complied and hastily 
negotiated funds from Qatar and Saudi Arabia (countries with their own 
agendas for Egypt's revolution) to plug the remaining hole. The spurned 
lover, the IMF, and its sidekick the World Bank, were not pleased. The 
latter said it would have to "review" its financial plans for Egypt. 
As news of the loan tiff was breaking, US Senators 
John McCain, Joe Lieberman and John Kerry visited Cairo to offer their 
gift to the revolution: a bill in Congress to create "economic 
assistance funds" for Egypt and Tunisia. Recall McCain's presidential 
campaign slogan to "Bomb, bomb, bomb Iran!", and his and Lieberman's 
militant support of Israel. If anything, their visit merely confirmed to
 Egypt's military leaders the need to keep the IMF and its henchmen at 
bay. 
Another visitor to Cairo last week was Mahatir 
Mohamed, who turned Malaysia into an economic powerhouse after 
extricating it from its colonial past. When his "tiger" economy was 
subverted by speculators in 1997, he stopped the run on the Malaysian 
currency and stabilised the economy without going to the IMF cap in 
hand, and Malaysia survived the crisis much better than the other "Asian
 tigers" who bowed to IMF pressure. "Malaysians refused the IMF and 
World Bank's assistance because we wanted our economic decisions to be 
independent," he told reports in Cairo this week proudly -- music to 
Field Marshall Mohamed Tantawi's ears. 
In fact, many observers are convinced the army's 
decision was in response to the same popular anger and national pride 
that allowed Mahatir to successfully defy the bankers in his day. "I 
felt a surge of pride when I heard the loan was rejected," University of
 Cairo employee Mohamed Shaban told the Weekly. Egyptians intuitively 
understand Mayer Rothschild's principle: "Give me control of a nation's 
currency and I care not who makes her laws." Egypt's military leaders 
understand this too. 
The process of petitioning the grudging financial 
centres of Zurich and London to recover at best a tiny fraction of the 
stolen billions that were stashed abroad and thus are responsible for an
 outsize part of Egypt's foreign debt will take decades and yield 
precious little besides huge legal costs, as the experience of the 
Philippines and Indonesia shows. 
Egypt indeed could consider defaulting on what is 
called in financial jargon an "odious debt", referring to the national 
debt incurred by a regime for purposes that do not serve the best 
interests of the nation. The US did this to tear up Iraq's debt in 2003.
 Ecuador did it in 2009. The latter (unlike the US in Iraq) even in 
compliance with international law. Greek citizens have already formed an
 Audit Committee to establish which parts of the national debt are 
"odious" or otherwise illegitimate. 
But such a radical step would bring the collective 
wrath of the powerful world financial elite down on Egypt and is not an 
easy option. There is no longer a Soviet Union to turn to, as there was 
in the time of Nasser, when he dared defy the empire. 
But neither is there any need to leave Egypt's 
budgetary financing up to an elite of world bankers. Once a government 
realises that money is just a convention, something that it can use 
responsibly to grease the wheels of the economy, to generate employment 
and incomes, using the nation's wealth for the people, it can 
responsibly create what money it needs, keeping a careful eye on what 
will increase production and wealth without putting too much pressure on
 prices. Taxation returns this money that the government in effect 
"loaned" to itself interest-free. 
Michael Hudson, president of the Institute for the 
Study of Long Term Economic Trends and adviser to the Russian, Japanese 
and Icelandic governments, argues that Egypt has a "much broader choice"
 than Western governments in pursuing an independent financial and 
economic reform, as it still has nationally-owned commercial banks. It 
could set up a Recovery Fund for the Revolution without any need to 
borrow from anyone, using Egypt's millions of unemployed -- a force that
 can move mountains -- as collateral, to create jobs which will 
automatically repay the money the government creates in new income and 
more tax revenue. 
The plan to bring Toshka back to life by 
redistributing land to peasants and providing them with start-up capital
 is a perfect example of what must be done. There is no reason to 
"borrow" this money, especially from other countries, and worse yet to 
pay them interest. After all, investment in the country's future is a 
risk that should be equally share by both the giver and taker of loans, 
in compliance with sharia law. 
Hudson's associates at the Center for Full Employment 
and Price Stability, the Levy Economics Institute, and the Center for 
Full Employment and Equity are now preparing a report for the Asian 
Development Bank on alternative monetary and fiscal policies to promote 
full employment and price stability without relying on IMF/WB funding.
Eric Walberg writes for Al-Ahram Weekly You can reach him at 
http://ericwalberg.com/
http://www.counterpunch.org/walberg07082011.html

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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