Union Supporters Still Fired With Impunity
by: David Bacon, Truthout   11/21/11
http://www.truth-out.org/print/9203


Los Angeles, California - When a private 
employer, like the Los Angeles Film School 
(LAFS), decides to fight the efforts of its 
workers to form a union, there is very little 
holding it back, despite the rights written into 
US labor law almost three quarters of a century 
ago.

The National Labor Relations Act says workers not 
only have the right to form unions, but that the 
government encourages them to do so, to level the 
power imbalance with their employers. The law 
sets up an election process, in which workers 
supposedly can freely choose a union. And it says 
that it's illegal for an employer to fire or 
punish any worker who uses these rights.



Then there's the reality, as practiced by the LAFS.

That company, set up in 1999 by the former lawyer 
for Occidental Petroleum, was bought by 
Florida-based Full Sail Film School in 2003. The 
film and recording business in Los Angeles has 
strong, well-respected unions. The studios that 
are the hoped-for employers for film school 
graduates negotiate with unions all the time. But 
the LAFS and Full Sail are not ordinary film 
schools. They are diploma mills that feed off 
federal loans taken out by students.

A lawsuit filed last year against LAFS says that 
students, who pay $18,000 to $23,000 per year 
tuition for a two-year AS degree, receive much 
less than promised. The school hands out gift 
cards to Target and Best Buy, the suit says, to 
students who list jobs at Apple and Guitar Center 
stores as "creative positions" on forms submitted 
to get the college accreditation. That allows the 
schools to enroll its students in federal loan 
programs.

Brandii Grace, a digital game designer, moved 
from Seattle in 2009 when she was offered a 
contract to teach her skill at LAFS. She took a 
$2,000 per year cut from her previous job, and 
was promised $70,000 per year. Her fiancée had to 
stay behind, but still in their 20s, they decided 
the prospect of making a life together in the 
heart of the entertainment world made the 
sacrifice worth it.

No sooner had she started to teach, however, than 
the school began making radical changes in the 
conditions for all its teachers. It cut classes, 
created new online components, and reassigned 
teachers to classes where they had no experience. 
"At first, they promised extra compensation," she 
remembers. "Then they said we were being changed 
from salaried employees to hourly, but that we'd 
get overtime for the additional work."

Then, the school announced teachers would only be 
paid the hours spent in class, cutting most to 
8-16 a week. "They weren't going to pay anything 
for the three hours grading, advising and 
planning curriculum for every hour we spend in 
class," she says. With their income about to 
plunge, the faculty rebelled. Grace started 
trying to help people understand what was 
happening, at first just by distributing the 
school's own memos. Finally, the school demanded 
that teachers sign agreements to the new 
arrangements. In a meeting of instructors, she 
not only urged them not to do it, but also said 
they should look for a union.

That was a big step for her. She'd grown up 
suspicious of unions because of earlier family 
experiences, but every government agency she 
contacted told her there was no legal way to stop 
the new rules if the teachers had no union 
contract. "We found Peter Nguyen and the 
California Federation of Teachers (CFT), and he 
was ready to help us move right away," Grace 
recalls. Over the next month they collected union 
cards, and filed a petition with the National 
Labor Relations Board (NLRB) with 70 percent of 
the faculty signed up. Grace was chosen head of 
the union steering committee.

That was when hell broke loose. The film school 
hired IRI Consultants, a union-busting firm from 
Michigan. With their advice, school managers set 
Grace up to be fired, and prepared a classic 
campaign of psychological warfare against its own 
faculty.

"We were immediately told we were all 
supervisors, and that our salaried status would 
be restored," she recalls. Her boss called her 
in, told her they knew she was the union leader, 
and threatened her. Suddenly they accused her of 
not turning in work, of insubordination and even 
of becoming violent. "They handed me a memo full 
of lies that were dramatic and extreme," Grace 
charges.

She was suspended for three days, and when she 
came back, she was fired.  It was her 30th 
birthday, and her apartment lease had just 
expired.

She didn't give up, though. Other workers would 
call her at night, telling her how scared they 
were. The company was holding mandatory meetings 
to make its union hatred clear, and each teacher 
was called in for a private chat with her or his 
supervisor. "Managers would run down the hall 
screaming at someone, 'you signed the card!'" 
Grace says she was told.

The union filed charges in March, right after she 
was fired, and held a protest rally. But six 
months later, the NLRB still hadn't finished its 
investigation. The union withdrew its petition 
for the election because the level of fear was so 
intense that the right to vote freely had become 
a joke. The NLRB regional office issued a 
complaint shortly afterward, charging the school 
with firing Grace illegally, but it was too late. 
A hearing was held in January, and in April the 
hearing officer ruled that the LAFS had violated 
the law. He ordered Grace reinstated with back 
pay. The school, however, is appealing the 
decision to the labor board in Washington, DC, a 
process that will probably last at least a year. 
If they have the money and the will, they can 
then appeal into the court system.

Grace's ordeal is a direct product of this 
country's weak labor laws, a problem the Employee 
Free Choice Act (EFCA) was written to correct. 
That's why large employers, Republicans, and even 
conservative Democrats have fought the bill in 
Congress. EFCA would go a long way toward solving 
the problems Grace experienced.

If the bill had been passed when Democrats had 
the presidency and a majority in both houses 
between 2008 and 2010, it would have been in 
effect while those meetings were going on in the 
film school. Grace and the other union committee 
members could have presented their signed cards 
to the NLRB, and the school would then have been 
obligated to recognize the union.

Fear of firing is probably the single biggest 
reason workers don't organize unions. According 
to a recent report from the Center for Economic 
and Policy Research, "Dropping the Ax: Illegal 
Firings During Union Election Campaigns, 
1951-2007," by John Schmitt and Ben Zipperer, 
workers were fired for union activity in 30 
percent of all union campaigns, so fear isn't 
unreasonable. "Aggressive actions by employers - 
often including illegal firings - have 
significantly undermined the ability of US 
workers to unionize their workplaces," according 
to report co-author Schmitt. "The financial 
penalties for illegal actions, including firing 
pro-union workers, are minimal, so it makes 
perfect sense for employers to break the law to 
derail union-organizing efforts." That percentage 
has gone up from 16 percent in the last 1990s, to 
26 percent in the early 2000s, to 30 percent in 
2007.

If EFCA had been in effect during the film school 
campaign, the company would have had to pay 
triple back wages for its illegal firings. But 
with no fines and no card-check recognition 
process, every supporter recruited to the union 
cause had to weigh the possibility that he or she 
might lose his or her job. Union supporters say 
it felt like working in a war zone.

But EFCA didn't pass. In fact, it was never even brought up for a vote.

So for Grace,, even if the school is found 
guilty, there's no fine or actual punishment. The 
school will have to pay back pay for her time out 
of work, but can deduct any income from another 
job, or even any unemployment benefits she 
collects. "My benefits just ran out, though," she 
laughs.

Being out of work while continuing to support the 
union has been an ordeal. After their money ran 
out, Grace moved in with her mom, and her fiancée 
had to go live with his family for months in 
Texas. In addition, Grace had brought her 
grandmother from Seattle to live with her. "She 
took care of me growing up, so I take care of her 
now," she explains. But she had to put her in a 
senior home, and then, when she couldn't sleep on 
her mom's couch anymore, she even slept in her 
grandmother's room.

Finally, her fiancée came back to Los Angeles, 
found a job and they got another apartment. "But 
we almost didn't make it," Grace says.

So, why should she have to go through this ordeal 
because a film school, widely called a scam on 
the Internet, decides to bust a union? "Because 
the Federal law is broken" Grace concludes. 
"There's no effective deterrent, no balance sheet 
they have to worry about. It's no surprise why 
people are reluctant to do this."

Maybe she'll get the back pay someday. "But you 
know, the money's not important to me, really," 
she says. "This is about justice. That's what I'm 
fighting for."


For more articles and images, see  http://dbacon.igc.org

See also Illegal People -- How Globalization 
Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants 
(Beacon Press, 2008)
Recipient: C.L.R. James Award, best book of 2007-2008
http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2002

See also the photodocumentary on indigenous migration to the US
Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)
http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/cup_detail.taf?ti_id=4575

See also The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the 
U.S./Mexico Border (University of California, 
2004)
http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9989.html
-- 
__________________________________

David Bacon, Photographs and Stories
http://dbacon.igc.org

__________________________________

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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