Hi.  This article is a masterpiece, connecting important elements of race,
sex, class, politics, and culture in America. It 
offers, in few words, the clear analysis and understanding absent elsewhere
during this important episode. If for no other 
reason, read it in preparation for the phenomenon's next appearance  -Ed
 
http://www.thenation.com/article/165032/whats-race-got-do-herman-cain
 
What's Race Got to Do With Herman Cain? 
 
“There’s a model of diversity,” Angela Davis once told me, “as the
difference that makes no difference, the change that brings about no
change.” 
 
 <http://www.thenation.com/authors/gary-younge>  Gary Younge:  This article
appeared in  <http://www.thenation.com/issue/december-26-2011> the December
26, 2011 edition of The Nation
 
 <http://www.thenation.com/authors/gary-younge> 

 <http://www.thenation.com/authors/gary-younge> Gary Younge

Gary Younge, the Alfred Knobler Journalism Fellow at The Nation Institute,
is the New York correspondent for the Guardian UK 
 
If Herman Cain’s entrance onto the national stage was a peculiar affair, his
departure from it was no less so. Quoting Pokémon, while barbecue was served
to supporters in colonial dress and a blues band played—the atmosphere of
his farewell speech was almost as absurd as the campaign itself. Befitting
the skewed values that have underpinned this Republican primary circus, it
was not allegations of sexual harassment that finished him off (let alone
the ignorance he wore as a badge of honor) but the suggestion of a
consensual affair.
 
Nonetheless, both his rise and his fall are instructive about the manner in
which race, sex and class operate, autonomously and in concert, logically
and in apparent contradiction. During his brief, comic sojourn at the top of
the Republican field, some marveled that the very wing of the party that had
become so openly and virulently racist over the past few years would have
chosen, however briefly, a black candidate as its champion—but they
shouldn’t have. If racism were a simple morality play starring villains and
victims, bad words and good intentions, then his support among Tea Party
members would indeed be puzzling. But it’s not. It’s a system of oppression
that discriminates against people on the basis of their race. It’s the
system that creates the mindset, not the other way around. So long as the
system remains intact, the identity of those administering it holds only
symbolic relevance. “There’s a model of diversity,” Angela Davis once told
me, “as the difference that makes no difference, the change that brings
about no change.”

In fact, in all sorts of ways the presence of black people at the helm helps
in deflecting accusations of racism. People become fixated on what an
organization looks like rather than what it does. As a result the principle
of fighting structural discrimination in order to create equal opportunities
is eclipsed by the desire to showcase difference through photo
opportunities. In the words of Ann Coulter, “Our blacks are so much better
than their blacks.”

So it’s been that Louisiana’s governor, Bobby Jindal, whose parents are
Indian, has been elevated by the same core constituency that backed former
Klansman David Duke; that South Carolina, the last state in the nation to
fly the Confederate flag on its statehouse lawn, elected another child of
Indian immigrants, Nikki Haley.

Arundhati Roy compared this to the pardoning of the Thanksgiving turkey: “A
few carefully bred turkeys…the occasional Colin Powell or Condoleezza
Rice…are given absolution and a pass to Frying Pan Park. The remaining
millions lose their jobs, are evicted from their homes, have their water and
electricity connections cut, and die of AIDS. Basically they’re for the
pot…. who can say that turkeys are against Thanksgiving? They participate in
it!”

It’s certainly significant that electoral racism is on the decline. In 1958,
53 percent of voters said they would not vote for a well-qualified black
candidate for president; in 1984 it was 16 percent; by 2003 it was 6
percent; now it stands at 3 percent.

Indeed, polls show that Americans feel more comfortable about a black person
leading the country than about one marrying a white person. So Cain may have
had a point about electoral politics when he said, “I don’t have a lot of
patience for people who want to blame racism on the fact that some people
don’t make it in America,” or that “I don’t believe racism in this country
today holds anybody back in a big way.” The trouble is that these statements
don’t make sense for almost any other aspect of life in America, from
employment to incarceration and from housing to poverty.

So much for Cain’s rise. On the way down, however, the framing changed. As
allegations of sexual harassment came flooding in, he became one of those
people for whom he has no patience. Asked by Fox News if he thought the
attacks on him were racially motivated, Cain said, “I believe the answer is
yes, but we do not have any evidence to support it…. We believe there are
some people who are Democrats, liberals, who do not want to see me win the
nomination.”

Having dismissed the very notion of collective racial disadvantage, he began
to invoke a sense of his specific racial victimhood. Not just as a black
man—but as a black Republican. And, like Clarence Thomas before him, Cain
and his supporters leveraged this rarefied sense of victimhood not against
racism as such but women in general and feminism in particular. Coulter
decried “liberal women using laws to protect blacks in order to attack
conservative blacks with these vicious, outrageous charges.”

The poorer the woman, the more vulnerable she was to these attacks. Sharon
Bialek, the first to go public with accusations of sexual harassment, was
dismissed by his campaign primarily because she was broke. Cain’s opponents,
his spokesperson claimed, “have now convinced a woman with a long history of
severe financial difficulties, including personal bankruptcy, to falsely
accuse the Republican frontrunner of events allegedly occurring well over a
decade ago for which there is no record, nor even a complaint filed.” The
day before Cain suspended his campaign he launched a website, Women for Cain
(a key supporter of which was Martin Luther King Jr.’s niece Alveda), giving
a forum for an escalation of these smears. Female supporters lambasted
“pathetic husbandless women” who “can’t find a husband or keep one” and
trashed his accusers as “money hungry.” “I also hope you pursue a slander,
libel, defamation of character suit against this moneygrubbing, lying woman.
Granted, she has no $, but it would send a strong message,” a comment reads
on the homepage.

And so it was that a campaign that rose on the notion that anyone can make
it in America regardless of who they are spent its dying moments trying to
destroy people precisely because of who they are.

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