http://www.levantinecenter.org/levantine-review/articles/one-state-or-two-is
raelis-palestinians

One State or Two for Israelis, Palestinians?

posted March 8, 2012 - 11:44am by Editor
<http://www.levantinecenter.org/users/editor>  
Subtitle: 
reflections on the March 2012 Harvard One State Conference

By Jeff Warner

I attended the Harvard conference, "Israel/Palestine and the One State
<http://onestateconference.org/> Solution" sponsored by the Harvard Kennedy
School of Government in Cambridge on March 3-4, 2012. Among the speakers
were Ali Abunimah, Diana Buttu, Marc Ellis, Leila Farsakh, Elaine Hagopian,
Itamar Mann, Ilan Pappé, Rabbi Brant Rosen, Nadim Rouhana, Sarah Schulman,
Nimer Sultany and Stephen M. Walt (full list and bios here
<http://onestateconference.org/speakers.html> ). I was encouraged to
continue working to bring peace and prosperity to all the people who live
between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River. Nevertheless, I left the
conference unsettled by several issues.

 in a single state for Israelis and Palestinians, the wall would come down.
<http://www.levantinecenter.org/files/images/wall.img_assist_custom.jpg> in
a single state for Israelis and Palestinians, the wall would come
down.Regime Change

Let's face it, any resolution of the present conflict will require regime
change in Israel and the Palestinian administration in the West Bank. The
reason that negotiations for a Palestinian state alongside Israel (the
two-state solution, or "TSS") have failed is that the Israeli government
does not want a just, political resolution of the conflict. This was
demonstrated at the conference by Diana
<http://www.levantinecenter.org/event/diana-buttu-israelpalestine-and-un>
Buttu who worked six years with the Palestinian negotiating team. She
described Israeli tactics to undercut any progress in the TSS talks: (1) all
proposals put forth by the Israelis were designed to expand Israeli control
over the West Bank, (2) the Israeli negotiators never mentioned Jerusalem,
and (3) the Israeli team would walk out of meetings when the Palestinians
attempted to discuss the right of return. 

Buttu's comments are not news—they confirm what we learned from the
Palestine Papers <http://www.aljazeera.com/palestinepapers/>  released by Al
Jazeera in January 2011. 

Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, all Israeli governments talks have been opposed
to allowing any meaningful Palestinian self-determination to emerge through
Israeli-Palestinian talks. The result is that for the almost 20 years of
negotiations, not only has there been no success, but Israeli government
actions have actively and passively expanded settlements and deepened
Palestinian dispossession.

This situation means that there must be regime change in Israel for any hope
of ending the present reality, and establishing either a two-state solution
(TSS) or a non-apartheid one-state solution (OSS). Simply changing the
Israeli government will probably not be enough, some sort of more profound
change is required; for shorthand I use the term "regime change."

 Ali Abunimah's one-state proposal
<http://www.levantinecenter.org/files/images/one-country_0.jpg> Ali
Abunimah's one-state proposalThere are several ways to effect this regime
change: impose it militarily; a military coup; allow the existing government
to collapse; or agree to a new regime through negotiations. Defeating Israel
militarily, considering that Israel has one of the ten most powerful
militaries  <http://www.globalfirepower.com/> in the world with bio-chemical
and nuclear weapons, is not even worth considering. Any of the other options
may be triggered by serious disruption in the existing political, economic,
social order. In theory this could be possible if the United States were to
make its ongoing military, financial and diplomatic support conditional on
Israel and the Palestinians reaching a just agreement. A movement among some
American foreign policy elites as well as among small political groups to
make that happen is growing, but it is ineffective, small and easily
countered by the Israel lobby. The lobby, consisting of establishment Jewish
American groups, Christian Zionists, Israeli government operatives, and the
American military-technology complex, works to assure the status quo in
American-Israeli relations. Progress on this front seems distant unless the
U.S. government suffers serious setbacks domestically or in the Middle East
that trigger unanticipated desperate acts. 

Ali Abunimah <http://electronicintifada.net/people/ali-abunimah> , author of
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0805086668/theelectronic-20> One
Country, a Bold Proposal to End the Israeli Palestinian Impasse, in his
keynote address, suggested that an enlightened Israeli leader might emerge,
someone like F. W. de Klerk who led South Africa to negotiate the end to
apartheid. In recent years we have seen Israeli leaders like Ehud Olmert who
recognized the unsustainability of the present situation, but they lacked a
desperate situation and leadership skills needed to effect a change.

It is important to recognize that de Klerk worked in a South Africa that had
become ungovernable, not by the world-wide boycott and sanctions movement,
but by rebellion of the 90% of the population that was black. Strikes were
crippling the economy; whites were in fear of physical violence, and the
economic elite worried that major industries would be nationalized.
Palestinians, who are 50% of the population in Israel-Palestine, even
supported by the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement, are a long way
from making Israel ungovernable or threatening the viability of the Israeli
economy which is still expanding.

The best chance Palestinians have of making Israel-Palestine ungovernable is
to stage massive, continuous, non-violent protests on the model of the
Tahrir Square protests in Egypt that brought down Mubarak. Imagine 100,000
Palestinians from Ramallah showing up every Friday morning at the Qalandia
checkpoint and demanding access to pray at the Al Aqsa Mosque. 

It should be recognized that if Israel produced an enlightened leader, (s)he
will likely push for a Palestinian state alongside Israel—the TSS, rather
than a single democratic state—the OSS. After all, the TSS is the
international consensus and may be easier to "sell" to the Israeli people.
Furthermore, even if a Palestinian state is sovereign, and not a
"Bantustan," it would be economically subordinate to Israel with its
economic elite still cavorting with their Israeli counterparts. 

A major problem with the TSS is that it does not account for the Palestinian
Diaspora and the right of return. But that problem can be transcended if the
right of return is allowed to the Palestinians state, combined with a
suggestion by Jeff Halper that an Israel-Palestine confederation is
established as part of the TSS. This confederation must be similar to the EU
in allowing any citizen to remain a citizen of his state, but to live and
work anywhere within the confederation boundaries. 

Nature of one-state

Most speakers at the conference supported an OSS remedy to the current
dispossession of Palestinians by the Israeli occupation of Palestinian
lands. But hardly any speaker fleshed out what one democratic state would
look like or addressed economic issues which are the major failure of the
one-state solution to South African apartheid. In the case of South Africa,
government transformation allowed the existing class structure and
government bureaucracy to stand. Although many blacks were able to
significantly improve their economic situation and become solidly middle
class, corruption and inequality increased under African National Party
political control.

Obviously no one at the conference supported the type of one state that some
on the Israeli right favor, where Palestinians would hold second-class
status and might even be expelled. But on the liberal left there are a range
of possible democratic states. They can be grouped into two types: civic
egalitarian and civic bi-national. A civic egalitarian one-state is
characterized by one-person, one-vote and a bi-national state is also
characterized one-person, one-vote and in addition, certain regions or
groups, have defined rights and/or autonomy. Examples of bi-national
democratic states include Canada, Switzerland, Belgium, China, and even the
United States.

Most speakers at the conference tacitly seemed to assume a civic egalitarian
one democratic state, although Nimer Sultany, a Jewish Israeli, proposed a
non-territorial, civic bi-national state, but did not flesh out his idea.
And again, no speaker spoke to building economic equality between Israelis
and Palestinians and among Palestinians. 

I would love to see a civic and economically egalitarian democratic state in
Israel-Palestine, but I find it hard to have confidence such a state would
be stable after 45 or 64 years of Jewish-Arab conflict and taught hatred. It
is not the pent-up anger and fear of the other - that can be overcome as it
was in South Africa. Rather I worry that the economic and infrastructure
differences between and among the Jewish and Arab communities are so extreme
that special arrangement would be required to undo those inequalities, and
those arrangements would weaken the egalitarian nature of the state, the way
affirmative action programs do in the United States.

A bi-national state would take into account differences among the
population, and set-up political structures to account for these
differences. The idea is to turn differences into positive aspects of the
state, rather than leaving them unaddressed as bombs that might explode at a
later date. A bi-national state might have a better chance of long-term
stability than an egalitarian state with equal civil rights because it will
directly and constitutionally address inequality in human rights.

A Path from Here to There

Many speakers emphasized that change to a one state solution must come from
the bottom-up, and that change from the top-down is an empty dream. To that
end, a movement for a OSS must attract massive popular support from ordinary
people. It was the active participation of masses of people that propelled
the American civil rights struggle in the 1960s. That will be hard to garner
for a OSS unless the people see achievable goals. And that means a realistic
path from here to there. Unfortunately, the only mention of a path to a one
state solution at the conference was questions directed to two speakers, and
neither got a substantial response. 

There is a path that has been proposed by Palestinians as well as Americans
in several forms. Among its proponents are Dr. Sari Nuseibeh, President,
Al-Quds University in Jerusalem. It was predicted as inevitable future by
John Mearsheimer in a 2010 lecture at the Palestine center, and was hinted
at by Stephen Walt during his talk at the One State Conference. The idea is
that the West Bank will be incorporated into a "Greater Israel," which will
be an apartheid state. But the apartheid state will not be politically
viable over the long term. Palestinians would initially have second-class
citizenship. They would initiate a civil rights struggle for full voting
rights, a struggle they surely will win because it will be supported by most
Americans, including Jewish Americans, Europeans, and most of the world. In
the end the Greater Israel will become a democratic state whose policies
will be dominated by a Palestinian majority—that is, it will be the OSS. 

The problem with this path is that it does not include either Gazans or the
Palestinian Diaspora, at least initially. But that will be remedied after
the Palestinians win their civil rights struggle. A bigger problem is that
it means Palestinians will have to accept an interval of second-class
citizenship for their civil rights struggle to have meaning. Another problem
is that this path will likely not remedy the existing economic inequality. 



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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