http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012.htm
 Ireland: Easter 1916-2012<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012.htm>
Written by Gerry Ruddy Friday, 06 April 2012
[image: Print] <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#>

*At Easter every year in every parish in Ireland and in many places around
the world Irish Republicans gather to pay homage to those men and women who
died in the struggle for independence. This year, 2012, will be no
different. However, whereas 50 years ago there was only one Republican
Movement, today there are at least seven different republican traditions
that have emerged out of the northern struggle.*

[image: Birth of the Irish
Republic]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/ireland/Birth_of_the_Irish_Republic.jpg>Birth
of the Irish Republic by Walter PagetAll will march separately to
graveyards to pay their respects to the dead and articulate their message
as to why people should follow their particular form of Irish
Republicanism. Some will make class appeals. Others will make nationalist
appeals, while others will argue that their way is the “only show in town”
and that the full implementation of all the outgoings of the Good Friday
Agreement will achieve national independence. So called ‘dissidents’ will
vehemently disagree with that latter argument and some of them will
maintain that the only road ahead is that of armed struggle.

All, however, base themselves on the proclamation of Easter 1916 in
particular which said:

“We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland,
and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and
indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and
government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished
except by the destruction of the Irish people. In every generation the
Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty:
six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in
arms. Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in the face
of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign
Independent State, and we pledge our lives and the lives of our
comrades-in-arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and its
exaltation among the nations.”
1<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn1>

The Easter proclamation is a powerful and moving document, 96 years old,
yet still capable of inspiring young people to take up arms in pursuit of
the goal of an independent Republic. In its time it was, and still is, a
progressive document, advocating universal suffrage, equal rights for all
and a republican form of government.

Sadly over the years the goals of the document have been partially
forgotten and the means have become dominant. Indeed not only did the means
become dominant but then the ‘movement’ to achieve those goals became
dominant and in the end the ‘movement’ was all and neither the goals nor
the means matter. Loyalty to the movement became the overriding
consideration.

In modern politics as expressed by the parties of the ruling class, this is
known as control-freakery and spin doctoring. Dissent is not tolerated and
loyalty to the ruling clique/or leader is paramount. Those who question are
demonised, accused of stealing, drug-taking, drunkenness or even of being
‘intellectuals’.

They are ‘touts’ or agents of a foreign power or whatever it takes to
isolate, undermine, and reduce the influence of those who question. Ideas
are not challenged, but personalities are attacked and slandered.

Such tactics naturally provoke a response, but within Irish Republicanism
that response has been generally negative. Rather than establish a clearly
defined goal and outlining the steps to reach such goals, dissenting
Republicans tend to attack the leaderships of the dominant provisional
republican movement.

Some, sadly, have become obsessed with that body and never miss an
opportunity to verbally attack PSF. Negativity rarely works.

Since 1994 this writer has argued that republicanism has suffered a major
defeat. That is ever more so today with the failure of fellow republicans
to co-operate even on the most basic of things like support for political
prisoners like Marian Price and others. Initiatives in the past to bring
Republicans into a common forum have broken down because some feared
contamination by mixing with those Republicans who support armed struggle.
Rather than begin a process of persuasion by example, argument and debate,
people retreated into their own safe little republican sects. That is part
of the reason there are now so many different republican traditions. (If
that process keeps up there soon may be as many republican sects as there
are Trotskyist/Stalinist/Maoist tendencies!!!!)

In relation to aspects of armed struggle there is an argument to be made.
Unfortunately, that argument is not being made or articulated. It is as if
the deed itself speaks and is the only argument. The Red Plough is opposed
to armed struggle at this time in Irish history. This is not 1916, nor
indeed the early 20’s or the 50’s or the 70’s or 80’s. Time, conditions,
people and economies have moved on and changed. Technology has in the past
twenty years transformed the way we live our lives.

We have argued consistently that the only road is the political road
2<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn2>.
Politics by ideas and deed is the way forward.

A respected veteran Republican, Jim Lane has argued that Irish
republicanism as articulated by Wolfe Tone in the 18th century was the most
progressive ideology of its day. That the republican socialism as argued by
James Connolly 
3<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn3>in
the early part of the 20th century was the most progressive though of
the day; that the ideas of Karl Marx were the most progressive ideas of
this time. We concur.

That is why we argue that for republicanism to win the mass of the Irish
people to its ideas and thoughts it must embrace the radical and
progressive ideas of socialism. It is true that most, if not all, the
differing republican traditions pay some form of homage towards socialism.
But that is more in word than in deed. At the heart of the ideas of
socialism is the working class. Class struggle is the motive force of
history. Speaking about the Easter rising, Lenin, who knew a little bit
about revolution, wrote:

“Whoever calls such an uprising a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary
or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of picturing a social revolution as a
living thing.” 
4<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn4>

“For to imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by
small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without the revolutionary
outbursts of a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices,
without a movement of politically non-conscious proletarian and
semi-proletarian masses against landlord, church, monarchical, national and
other oppression – to imagine that means repudiating social revolution.
Very likely one army will line up in one place and say, ‘We are for
socialism’, while another will do so in another place and say, ‘We are for
imperialism’, and that will be the social revolution! Only from such a
ridiculously pedantic angle could one label the Irish rebellion a ‘putsch’.

“Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such
a person pays lip service to revolution without understanding what
revolution really is.”
5<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn5>

The class struggle is not simply a clear class battle between workers and
capitalism lined up in opposition. It is a living thing existing day by day
and taking many shapes and forms. The 1916 Rising was part of the class
struggle because the struggle for national self-determination is so
interwoven with the class struggle that in Connolly’s words:

“The cause of labour is the cause of Ireland. The cause of Ireland is the
cause of labour. They cannot be dissevered...”
6<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn6>

Much has been written about how the people of Dublin booed and heckled the
prisoners as they were marched through the streets of Dublin. Yet even here
the class struggle breaks through:

“I have read many accounts of public feeling in Dublin in these days. They
all agreed that the open and strong sympathy of the mass of the population
was with the British troops. That this was so in the better parts of the
city, I have no doubt but certainly what I myself saw in the poorer
districts did not confirm this. It rather indicated that there was a vast
amount of sympathy with the rebels particularly after the rebels were
defeated. The sentences of the Court Martial deepened this sympathy.”
7<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn7>

Today that class struggle is going on all over Ireland. It is in the
struggle over the property tax on households, in the worker occupations of
buildings closed by the politics of Austerity, in the struggles to defend
the public services from privatisation and in the prison struggles. These
and many more struggles are interconnected. Of course, there will be some
sects on the left who deny this and demonise those who come from a wholly
republican background. But that is no excuse for republicans themselves to
walk away from these issues. The struggle is all embracing. James Connolly
did not take part in the uprising for a ‘free Ireland’. He was very clear:

"We are out for Ireland for the Irish. But who are the Irish? Not the
rack-renting, slum owning landlord; not the sweating, profit-grinding
capitalist; not the sleek and oily lawyer; not the prostitute pressman –
the hired liars of the enemy... but the Irish working class.”

That was central to his thinking. Connolly did not take part as some kind
of so called “blood sacrifice” – an idea put about by reactionary elements
to undermine the class nature of Connolly’s participation in the 1916
Rising. Rather it was to spark the working class into action. No one today
accuses the USA’s Thomas Jefferson of being bloodthirsty because he wrote:
“The tree of liberty must continually be watered with the blood of martyrs
and tyrants” 8<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftn8>

War is by its nature ugly. It destroys. It destroys men women and children.
It destroys buildings and wrecks economies. War leaves barren devastation
not only on the land but in the hearts and minds of people. There is no
romance or glory in war.

Today the greatest terrorists are the Imperialists and their lackeys. Since
the Second World War US armed forces have been in continuous action in
suppressing uprisings, left-wing regimes, and controlling oil and natural
resources for the benefit of US capitalists. The so called ‘terrorist’
actions of a few Irish Republicans pale into insignificance when compared
to the continuous crimes of Imperialism. Nevertheless Irish Republicans
have always been demonised. It goes with the territory! Some argue that
this is because of the threat that armed actions pose to Imperialism.

There is, however, a counter-argument to that which says that British
Imperialism welcomes armed struggle from Irish republicans. It helps
sharpen their intelligence services and training and also because they know
it can never attain its goal without the overwhelming consent of the Irish
people. What they do fear is the spread of republican and progressive ideas
among the mass of the population, catholic and protestant Irish and British.

And there are great opportunities to do just that. The political cement
that has held Western capitalism together since the Second World War is
crumbling. In the current world crisis of capitalism there are few crumbs
our masters can throw to the masses. Rather they need to exploit every last
bit of labour they can for the cheapest price. It is the working classes
who are paying the price for the collapse of the system.

Austerity faces the working classes for the next generation. However, that
has a political price and it is the increasing disillusionment of the
working classes with the political parties who push austerity. The demise
of Fianna Fail and the rise of both independents and provisional Sinn Fein
in the south of Ireland is a clear example of that. Both Labour Parties in
Britain and Ireland are committed to austerity. Hence, the shock to the
British Labour Party when George Galloway romped home in the Bradford West
By-election. It was here that the local Labour controlled council pushed
through £67 million in cuts, axing over a thousand jobs. No wonder there is
growing disenchantment with these so called progressive parties.

In the North of Ireland the power sharing executive presides over the
collapse of the national health services and the cutting of the public
sector. Unemployment is growing particularly among the youth and more and
more businesses are going bankrupt.

There has never been a better time in Ireland to work towards the
unification of the left and progressive forces and work towards building a
revolutionary alternative. Of course it will not be easy but it would be
good if at least republicans articulated a desire to see such a coming
together. It would be good to hear from the differing republican traditions
this Easter in statements to the effect that they were prepared to
cooperate with others and work towards building a broad front that could
work on both the class and national questions.

*After all, both the Easter Proclamation and the Easter Rising were the
products of a coming together of the forces of socialism and republicanism.
Is it too much to hope that this Easter a small beginning could be made by
Irish Republicans?*
Footnotes

1 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref1>. The
Easter 
Proclamation<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proclamation_of_the_Irish_Republic#The_text_of_the_Easter_Proclamation>
2 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref2>. The
Political Road<http://theredplough.blogspot.co.uk/2010/03/red-plough-vol.html>
3 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref3>. See
John Hoffman's “James Connolly and the theory of Historical
Materialism”, Saothar
2 <http://www.irishlabourhistorysociety.com/pdf/Saothar%202.pdf>, for an
interesting take on James Connolly.
4 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref4>.
Lenin’s article on the rising appears in O Dudley Edwards and F Pyle (eds),
1916: the Easter Rising, Dublin 1968, pp192-9
5 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref5>. The
quote is taken from
pp192-93<http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref3>.
5 Dudley Edwards and Pyle, p193
6 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref6>. Great
Republican Quotes <http://www.redbrick.dcu.ie/~sinnfein/Deafhocail.html>
7 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref7>.
“1916 as History “ C Desmond Greaves -Fulcrum press 1991 p. 42
8 <http://www.marxist.com/ireland-easter-1916-2012/print.htm#_ftnref8>.
“1916 as History “ C Desmond Greaves -Fulcrum press 1991 p. 42

Some Sources:
The Easter Rising and the ‘blood
sacrifice’<http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/2011/07/08/the-easter-rising-and-the-blood-sacrifice/>Philip
Ferguson,
*“1916 as History “*, C Desmond Greaves -Fulcrum press 1991

[Originally published in The Red Plough <http://theredplough.blogspot.com/>,
Vol. 3 - No 3, Sunday, 1 April 2012]


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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