http://www.marxist.com/mass-protests-in-mexico.htm

 Mass protests in Mexico<http://www.marxist.com/mass-protests-in-mexico.htm>
Written by Alan Woods Tuesday, 10 July 2012
[image: Print] <http://www.marxist.com/mass-protests-in-mexico/print.htm#>

*Mass street protests have erupted against electoral fraud in Mexico. The
official version of the results of the presidential election on 1 July gave
Enrique Peña Nieto, the candidate of the Institutional Revolutionary Party
(PRI) 38.21% of the vote, with 31.59% for leftist Andrés Manuel López
Obrador of the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD), and 25.41% for Josefina
Vázquez Mota of the conservative National Action Party (PAN). The small New
Alliance party got 2.29%.*

[image: From demonstration, 7 July. Photo: Ismael
Villafranco]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/mexico/2012-07-07-button-ismael-villafranco.jpg>From
demonstration, 7 July. Photo: Ismael
Villafranco<http://www.flickr.com/photos/maelvillafranco/>But
nobody believes the official figures, which are regularly rigged. It is
common knowledge that the PRI shamelessly bought votes and bribed TV
networks for support. Agents of the PRI gave out free groceries, pre-paid
gift cards and other gifts to voters. Accusations of vote-buying began
surfacing in June, but sharpened later when people rushed to grocery stores
on the outskirts of Mexico City to redeem pre-paid gift cards worth between
100 and 1500 pesos (80 to 110 US$). Many openly said they had been given
the cards from PRI supporters before the elections in exchange for voting
for the party.

A series of articles in *The Guardian* added to the controversy by
publishing evidence that Televisa paved Peña Nieto’s path to the presidency
by slandering his rivals and presenting blatant pro-PRI propaganda as news.
The newspaper “El Universal” had already printed in advance its morning
edition with Peña Nieto on the cover as the “winner.”

In the weeks before the latest polls a student-led movement, #YoSoy132,
mobilized demonstrations and online protests against Peña Nieto’s links to
the media giant Televisa, accusing both Peña Nieto and Televisa of
manipulating both public opinion and state institutions. López Obrador has
correctly called this a “national shame.” He said that at least five
million voters had received either pre-paid store cards, cash, groceries,
construction materials or appliances. *The Economist* comments:

“There were reports of voters in poor areas being offered upwards of 500
pesos ($38) to hand over their voting cards, which prevented them from
casting their votes and perhaps enabled someone else to cast them instead.
The PRI featured most often in such reports. A ban on political advertising
after the end of the campaign on Wednesday was flouted by the Green Party,
a formal ally of the PRI. The Greens illegally sent text-messages and
recorded phone calls to many people (including your correspondent) on the
day of the election, urging them to vote for their candidates”.

To pay for this massive bribery, the PRI exceeded the legal limit for
campaign spending by at least 10 times. In addition, PRD polling booth
observers were intimidated, shot at and some were killed. For many, it was
like a return to the bad old days of PRI rule. This party ran Mexico
uninterruptedly for seven decades, through a toxic mixture of corruption,
repression, patronage and electoral fraud, until it was finally ousted from
the presidency in 2000.

In 2006, Calderón the candidate of the right-wing PAN party was declared
the winner in the presidential elections. But Andrés Manuel López Obrador,
the candidate of the PRD, challenged the result and appealed to the masses.
López Obrador had lost that election by less than 0.56%, which was clearly
the result of rigging. Hundreds of thousands participated in a months-long
blockade of Mexico City’s main thoroughfare to protest that result.

Now history seems to be repeating itself. After a six-year term in office,
the PAN is completely discredited. But the Mexican ruling class wants to
hand power to the PRI in order to block the election of a man who they fear
will be under the pressure of the masses. So López Obrador’s followers are
taking to the streets again.

[image: Youth protesting, 7 July. Photo:
Feno!]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/mexico/2012-07-07-fists_in_air-Feno.jpg>Youth
protesting, 7 July. Photo: Feno! <http://www.flickr.com/photos/aarmenta/>The
persistent reports of ballot-rigging are confirmed by the result itself,
which is closer than that predicted by the polls, some of which had given
Peña a lead of between 10 and 15 percentage points. Despite everything, the
PRD and López Obrador got a very good result. In Puebla, despite the
rigging, the Left won for the first time ever. The Left also won the
governorship of Tabasco for the first time.

The PRI did worse than expected. It has not got a majority in parliament
and is compelled to ally itself with small right-wing parties (PVEM and
PANAL). It will have to take charge of a country gripped by a deep
recession, with mass unemployment and growing poverty. It will be a weak
government – a government of crisis. It can be defeated. But the prior
condition is a general mobilization of the masses. This has already begun.

Angered by this shameless rigging, as many as half a million people marched
in Mexico City on Saturday 7 July. Students, unionists and left-wing
activists in Mexico City carried placards reading: "Peña, how much did it
cost to become president?" and "Mexico, you pawned your future for 500
pesos." A BBC report quoted interviews with some participants that give
some idea of the anger of the protesters:

"The fraud was carried out before [the election], buying votes, tricking
the people," said Gabriel Petatán García, a geography student who carried a
sign in Finnish. Protesters also carried signs in English, Japanese,
French, German and other languages to call the attention of the
international press.

Some demonstrators covered the heads of statues with plastic shopping bags
from Soriana, the supermarket chain where the gift cards were redeemable.
"We have to come out in the streets to denounce that the PRI bought votes,
and there were people who sold them," said a 32-year-old psychologist,
Raquel Ruiz. "The PRI threatens many people and buys others with a couple
of tacos," said Manuel Ocegueda, a 43-year-old shop worker at the rally.

López Obrador’s team has denounced irregularities in 113,855 of the
country’s 143,000 polling stations, and independent election observers have
said that 28 percent of voters interviewed (i.e. about one third) had faced
cases of ‘irregularities’. The candidate of the left has, therefore,
demanded a re-count. This is correct and logical.

The mood for a fight is clearly present. Demonstrations have occurred in at
least 16 states out of a total of 32. In Jalisco there was the largest
demonstration in 20 years. In Monterrey, on the frontier with the USA there
was also a big demonstration. It is difficult to know how many people are
involved, but the movement is larger in numbers than in 2006.

[image: 
2012-07-07-Zocalo]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/mexico/2012-07-07-Zocalo.jpg>

Officials estimated about 50,000 demonstrators gathered at the central
Zócalo square. The real figure is anybody’s guess, but the photographs and
eyewitness accounts show that it was many times bigger, maybe up to half a
million. Our correspondent in Mexico City informs me that there were tens
of thousands of people of all ages, but the predominant component was the
youth, especially students. Being a college student today is synonymous
with being against Peña Nieto. He got no support, even in private schools.
There were several mock elections in the schools, and in every case López
Obrador won a by large majority.

Our correspondent writes:

“People came marching to the Zócalo for at least three continuous hours. We
organized spontaneous rallies and people gathered around our table. We sold
580 newspapers – all we had. They were all shouting slogans against fraud,
against the PRI, against the Federal Electoral Institute, against the
television, but there were also some contingents who chanted slogans for a
general strike (*Por el paro nacional*). No mass organization called this
demonstration.”

The last comments are significant. The masses want to fight. But who is
leading the movement? Who organized these protests? The answer seems to be:
nobody. These demonstrations appear to be mainly of a spontaneous
character, probably called through social media. Thus, they have all the
strengths and all the weaknesses of spontaneous actions. The lack of
leadership is its Achilles’ heel. Only MORENA, which organizes the left
wing of the PRD and activists outside of the party, together with the
student movement, backed the call to action.


*http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=GwQbMeaPIc8*<http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=GwQbMeaPIc8>
*#!*



Whereas in 2006, López Obrador identified himself with the protest
movement, this time he has so far distanced himself from the marches and
the struggle in general. Instead of mobilizing a mass movement, he has said
he would file a formal legal challenge to the vote count in electoral
courts. This strategy is completely mistaken.

The PRI can argue that what they did was within the boundaries of (Mexican)
legality. Giving gifts to influence votes is a crime, but simply giving
away such gifts is not illegal under Mexican electoral law, as long as the
expense is “reported to electoral authorities”. In other words, there are a
thousand tricks to render a legal challenge null and void.

To appeal to a corrupt judiciary against a fraudulent electoral decision is
like appealing to Satan against the Devil. Such an appeal will get nowhere
and will take a long time. By delaying things until the cumbersome wheels
of “justice” have finished rolling, the authorities will succeed in
demobilizing the mass movement. To try to substitute the class struggle by
judicial appeals is nothing less than legalistic cretinism.

With the most astounding cynicism, the PRI spokesman, Eduardo Sánchez, said
last week the gift-card event had been "a theatrical representation"
mounted by the left. He claimed that supporters of López Obrador took
hundreds of people to the shops, dressed them in PRI T-shirts, gave them
gift cards, emptied shelves to create an appearance of panic buying, and
brought TV cameras in to give the false impression that the PRI had given
out the cards! With this “explanation”, the art of lying has attained new
heights, bordering on the surreal.

Leonardo Valdés, the president of the Federal Electoral Institute, is a
more cunning and subtle representative of the ruling class. He has already
said he “did not see any grounds for overturning the results” but assured
the public that an investigation into the gift cards “had been launched”.
In other words, he is saying to the Left Coalition: “Carry on with your
legal appeals, my friends. We will of course investigate as much as you
like, but in the end the investigations will find nothing, and the decision
we have already taken will stand.”

César Yáñez, the spokesman for López Obrador's campaign, denied the PRI
accusations, but did not call for more mass protests. This is a bad
mistake. The only hope of getting the result overturned is by stepping up
the mass movement. By resorting yet again to the blatant rigging of
elections in order to prevent the PRD coming to power, the ruling class has
thrown down the gauntlet to the working class and the people of Mexico. The
working class must pick up the gauntlet and throw it back in the face of
the oligarchy.

[image: Tijuana. Photo: Christian
Javan]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/mexico/2012-07-07-Tijuana-Christian_Javan.jpg>Tijuana,
July 7. Photo: Christian
Javan<http://www.flickr.com/photos/christianjavan/>Probably
the leaders of the PRD think that because it did not achieve the intended
result in 2006, this tactic ought not to be repeated. But the problem of
2006-07 was not that the movement went too far. Rather, it did not go far
enough. What was needed was to bring the whole thing to a head with an
all-Mexican general strike to bring down the government. Without that, the
occupation of the Zócalo could never have succeeded.

The same mistake can be seen in other countries, where the idea has gained
popularity that merely by demonstrating and occupying city centres it is
sufficient to bring about a fundamental change. Mass street protests and
occupations are an excellent way of mobilizing broad layers of the
population, of giving the masses a feeling of their strength. But in and of
themselves, such tactics solve nothing. They cannot bring about a
fundamental change in society.

The simple truth is that the ruling class can afford to wait, but the
masses cannot. People have to live, to eat, and to earn wages. They cannot
simply remain on the streets and squares waiting for something to happen.
Such passive tactics eventually exhaust the masses and irritate the middle
classes and other “respectable citizens” who wish for nothing more than to
go about their daily business with a minimum of disturbance.

As a first step, López Obrador should call for more protests,
demonstrations and occupations. But the lesson of 2006 is that such a
movement can only succeed if it is the launching pad for an all-out general
strike.

Call mass meetings in the factories and workplaces to discuss and prepare
strike action. Elect strike committees in the factories and broaden them to
include other layers of the oppressed: the peasants, unemployed, street
vendors. Draw in the representatives of the students, working class women
and all who are willing to fight for democracy and socialism. On that
basis, and on that basis alone, will the PRI be defeated and the working
people advance to the final goal: the conquest of power.

*London, July 10, 2012*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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