*- Havana Times.org - http://www.havanatimes.org -*

*Independent Activism in Cuba*

Posted By *Circles Robinson* On August 5, 2012 @ 7:13 am In *Features,Lead
Articles* | *2 
Comments<http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75825&print=1#comments_controls>
*

*June Fernandez**

<http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75827> [1]HAVANA TIMES — “Come
wearing something red and kiss someone, because all forms of love are
important.”  Last June 28, forty-six people who had received this message
via instant messaging or e-mail met in the Havana bus terminal, near the
Plaza of the Revolution, to kiss each other.

The group that had promoted the gathering was the Rainbow Project (*Proyecto
Arcoiris) *an independent collective aimed at mobilizing the citizenry to
take their demands for the rights to sexual diversity and the free
expression of affection to the streets.

The government of Raul Castro has officially broken with the regime’s
homophobic past and is sponsoring policies of non-discrimination; however,
displays of affection between people of the same sex are still penalized by
laws that categorize them as “indecent exhibitionism.”

“We held the Kiss-In precisely for those people who have not yet decided to
come out of the closet of what has been authorized and coordinated, of that
supported by the superior authorities that know everything and define
everything.  They learned that the street does not belong to the
authorities, to the chimera called “the revolutionaries” that no one knows
in the end how they look or what they believe in,” Yasmin Silvia Portales
Machado, founder of the Rainbow Project, explained in her blog.

<http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75828> [2]Although four or five
dozen people might seem like a small thing, organizing an action in demand
of change outside of the government and of the anti-Castro opposition is
something unheard of in a country where political polarization colors every
social initiative.*
*

The National Center for Sexual Education (Cenesex), which coordinates the
policies for sexual diversity under the leadership of Mariela Castro, Raul
Castro’s daughter, doesn’t recognize June 28, a day in which gay pride
events are organized in many cities around the world. The latter are
considered an imperialist and capitalist celebration.

Instead, they have established May as anti-homophobia month and organize
activities to sensitize the population to questions such as civil unions
between people of the same sex or the special health needs of  transsexuals.

As a result, on previous June 28’s only the LGBT Rights Observatory, a
collective identified with the dissident movement, has gone out on the
street.  Definitely, the choice has been official activities in May or
anti-Castro Pride in June.

The Rainbow Project has broken with this logic and with no further ado has
joined the commemoration of the anniversary of the Stonewall disturbances,
in tune with the international LGBT community.

The organizers were very nervous: “Since Tuesday I had a nervous tic in my
right eye,” recalled Yasmín – but this time there were no incidents.  They
did, however, receive messages from people who feared for their safety or
from those who had heard that the initiative came from an opposition group,
as another of the promoters, Luis Rondón Paz, states in his blog.

Despite such rumors, the police didn’t appear, nor did the participants
receive any pressure. “I suppose that such permissiveness was associated
with the fact that the act of kissing each other could be seen as something
legitimate, innocent, beautiful,” Isbel Díaz Torres, another founder of the
collective wrote.  He does however underline the political character of the
action in a post where he recalls how he was fined years ago for kissing
his boyfriend on the beach.

Following the reading of a communiqué entitled: “The revolution is the
struggle against all kinds of discrimination”, the participants nervously
awaited the signal and kissed each other.  Passion was lacking and the
kissing was mainly among women, “but the photo of Isbel with his boyfriend
has been seen around the world, so that we did meet our objective of
achieving visibility for the LGBT movement in Cuba,” Luis exults.
 <http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75829> [3]

Yasmin Portales Machado

*The  Critical Left
*

The Rainbow Project is one of the small autonomous collectives that have
emerged in the last decade under the umbrella of *Observatorio Crítico
*(Critical
Observatory) the most notable experience of social activism outside the
perimeter of the Cuban institutions.

This network brings together people who defend anti-capitalism, socialism,
anarchism in a few cases, and Cuban sovereignty from a position of
unstinting criticism of all forms of discrimination, authoritarianism and
repression promoted by or permitted by the Government.

They do this through initiatives such as the Rainbow Project, the Negritude
Brotherhood (which criticizes the institutional and social racism which
persists in Cuban society and seeks to reconstruct the historical memory of
the black community) and the *Guardabosques* (Forest Rangers), an
environmental project headed by Isbel.

Critical Observatory distributes compendiums of articles over e-mail,
organizes debates on such diverse topics as genetically modified foods,
trans-feminism or the rap-inspired “*reggaetón*” music and popular culture.

It also holds annual social forums that have become a point of reference
for the critical left in Cuba.  They agree with the socialist project, but
not with the marked Stalinism of the regime.  They defend basic liberties,
but they set themselves apart from the official dissident movement with its
support for implanting a capitalist system under the tutelage of the United
States.

Faced with those who dedicate themselves to the unconditional defense of
what they call the Revolution, and those on the other side who concentrate
their energy on defeating what they define as a clear dictatorship, the
Cubans associated with Critical Observatory concentrate on denouncing
concrete expressions of inequality and on debating a model that could
reconcile revolutionary principles with respect for basic freedoms.

They assert that the Revolution must be feminist, anti-rascist, and
anti-homophobic, or it won’t be anything.  Their proclamation recalls the
M-15 (Spain) movement, to which these activists feel related.

Their anti-capitalist ideology leads them to oppose all US interference,
but also to question Raul Castro’s economic model which promotes private
initiative, foreign investment and also mass lay-offs, and to advocate for
collective formulas such as cooperatives.

Their stand on the Pope’s visit to Cuba last March was also significant.
While the Castro supporters were rubbing their hands together in glee over
the legitimacy that the visit provided them, and the anti-Castro factions
lamented the scarce attention that his Holiness awarded them, Yasmín and
other members of the Observatory were a discordant note.

They criticized the fact that a lay State like Cuba would waste public
money to welcome the leader of an institution that doesn’t recognize sexual
and reproductive rights; they wrote ironically about the Communist Party’s
eagerness to host a leader who was belligerently opposed to Marxism, and
condemned the fact that the Afro-Cuban religions, whose influence is
greater than that of Catholicism, have not received any such governmental
recognition.
 <http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75838> [4]

Mariela Castro. Photo: Kaloian from Alma Mater magazine.

Months before, they fantasized about showing public indignation over the
Pope’s visit, but in the end they limited themselves to expressing their
point of view in the alternative media and in the blogs.

*The right of association in Cuba
*

To grasp the situation in which this autonomous left finds itself, it’s
helpful to understand how the right to associate functions in Cuba.  This
State that defines itself as revolutionary has historically put up barriers
to the existence of independent social movements.

Raul Castro’s declarations of a new openness and the fact that at least in
words he has defended freedom of expression and of the press, is one of the
factors that explains the recent emergence and survival of autonomous
social and cultural initiatives.

However, the pro-Castro groups continue to defend the idea that only the
official mass organizations like the Cuban Women’s Federation or the groups
linked to Cenesex can legitimately mobilize the citizenry in favor of
social demands.

Rogelio M. Díaz, blogger and member of Critical Observatory, attributes
this to the official line that the concept of “civil society” is
“bourgeois, subversive and a United States’ strategy to penetrate the Third
World,” while “the mass organizations incorporate into their statutes the
notion of following the Party leadership.”

He cites three factors: the climate of aggression on the part of the US,
the leadership style of Fidel and the politics of the socialist camp.

Given that many supposedly independent associations “are nothing more than
tiny groups promoted by the CIA and other forces of the USA”, the blogger
emphasizes that it is absolutely necessary that the United States renounce
their intention to promote a regime change if the situation is to
normalize: “If this by some miracle were to occur tomorrow, then we would
be able to measure the real willingness of the Cuban government to abandon
their strict controls.”

Among other things he makes reference to the combination of bureaucratic
snags and lack of political will that makes it practically impossible to
constitute associations.  Article 54 of the Constitution recognizes the
rights of assembly, demonstration and association [although Article 62
warns that it is a punishable offense to exercise these freedoms to
jeopardize “the existence and aims of the socialist State”].

However, in fact an aspiring association must be sponsored by a State
entity in order for the Ministry of Justice to authorize its inscription
into the corresponding registry.  The sponsoring State organization “then
then becomes its related organ, that which controls it and attends to its
needs,” Dmitri Prieto, founder of Critical Observatory, explains.

The registry takes years to arrive (if it arrives at all) so that the
collectives opt for formulas such as creating academic professorships or
projects inscribed within the cultural centers.  “As long as there is no
confrontation with the actual system, the authorities do not create any
impediments, but they can meet with a lack of understanding, lack of
resources and very little visibility,” he noted.
 <http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75833> [5]

Official LGBT activity in May.

“Any individual initiatives for association are systematically demonized,
even more so if they are of a political nature.  It’s very difficult to
question deeply the political and social structures, and it would also be
suicidal,” Yasmín laments.

The Critical Observatory arose from the Haydée Santamaria Professorship,
created from within the *Asociación Hermanos Saiz*, also known as AHS, the
institution of young artists and writers, to investigate transformations in
Cuban society.

In 2010, when their proposals began to be uncomfortable, the AHS informed
them that their members had surpassed the age limit and could no longer
remain tied to the institution. “Therefore, there was no more need to be
politically correct as far as criticizing the institutions,” Yasmín notes.
This reality sparked the Observatory’s transformation into one of the most
anti-establishment collectives on the Island.

Nonetheless, becoming a network without institutional backing has its
consequences.  The scarce resources of the Critical Observatory, which
barely stretch enough to buy a snack for meetings, come from the solidarity
of European anarchist and anti-capitalist collectives.

There is no headquarters: they hold their debates in a *paladar *(private
restaurant) managed by some sympathizer, or in a park.  They chose the
second option for a colloquium with an activist from Madrid’s 15-M
movement, which included the presence of both an agent from State Security
and an “independent” reporter from the official dissident movement.

The Cuban critical left defines itself as revolutionary and its activists
work closely with Cuban institutions or with projects supported by them.
They resist calling themselves “opposition,” since they identify more with
a Cuban socialist movement than with the proposals of the dissidents.

This puts them in an uncertain situation: they don’t suffer direct
repression and it could be said that their activity is tolerated, but as
they consolidate they do feel an ever greater labeling.

The latest flurry was an article written by Percy Francisco Alvarado Godoy
a former State Security agent, accusing a group of recognized Cuban
intellectuals of working against the Revolution in projects directed by the
United States as part of the conflict known as the cyber war against
Castroism.

Alvarado Godoy has since apologized for what he calls an unfortunate error,
but those affected have not accepted his apology: “Similar errors left
authors like José Lezama Lima, Virgilio Piñera and other sunk into
ostracism for years; they brought unnecessary pain to many and caused
irreparable damage to Cuban culture and society,” alerts the writer Daniel
Díaz Mantilla, one of those defamed.

*Relations with the State institutions*

Rogelio describes the government’s strategy as one of “gathering and
channeling intelligently the tensions in several potential conflicts.  The
emblematic case is that of the LGBT movement.  Cenesex, affiliated with the
Health Ministry, promotes networks of gays, lesbians and transsexuals who
go out on the streets to proclaim their demands, but do so under the
institution’s tutelage.

Odaymara Cuest and Olivia Prendes, the rappers from Krudas Cubensi, now
living in Texas, recall how the lesbian collective Oremi that they
participated in was swallowed up by Cenesex.  “One fine day, Mariela
[Castro] arrived with an authoritarian air, to announce that the group
needed to function in a top-down manner.
 <http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75834> [6]

Social Forum 2012

“She imposed the presence and leadership of some psychologists who weren’t
lesbians, who brought us cases with pathologies that they were attending in
their clinics.  We couldn’t discuss our problems as healthy lesbians.  For
that reason we preferred our autonomy,” Prendes explains.

It hadn’t been her first clash with Mariela Castro.  During the nineties
they had tried to form a “queer” collective with friends for the United
States and had planned to attend the May 1st demonstration carrying a
rainbow flag.

“The objective of the march is to unite us against imperialism and for
socialism, so we said, “Why not carry our own little flag, since we too are
part of this country?  Ay yi yi, – they gave us a sound slapping. They
stole our flag, then they began going to the home of each activist.  We
asked Mariela Castro if she could give us a paper or something giving
permission to form a small LGBT group.

“She said, ‘No, Cuba isn’t ready for it.’  ‘No, this is a macho culture.
Maybe in ten years.’ “

And more than ten years later, Cenesex continues trying to monopolize LGBT
activism through their organizations, even though some of their members
favor the existence of autonomous collectives.

“I believe that the formation of a potentially autonomous movement for
sexual rights is necessary, but one that includes heterosexuals who dissent
from the hegemonies and that maintains a horizontal and participative form
of functioning, well distanced from feuds, grudges and personal vanities.
Such existence doesn’t imply a negation of the Cuban socialist principles,
but their strengthening and the construction of a more just and decent
society,” states Alberto Roque, himself an activist in the Communist Party
and the dynamic force behind “Men for Diversity”.

Participants feel that this group, under the wing of Cenesex, offers a
margin of space to channel criticism of Government policies and to express
themselves freely.  Some, like Luis Rondón Paz and *Paquito el de
Cuba*also maintain their own blogs in which they lash out against
practices like
homophobia in the workplace, in sports or in the media.

“I’ve been risking my neck for awhile.  An old lover tells me: “You’re
crazy as a loon” and I responded. “Listen, change doesn’t fall from the
ceiling. When something is wrong, you have to shout out loud using every
means necessary so that the message reaches its destination as little
adulterated as possible.”

That’s how Luis explained his stance on maintaining activism both within
and outside of the institutions, in a post venting his frustration at those
who criticize him for participating in autonomous projects such as the
Rainbow Project.

Luis, together with Yasmín, was one of the promoters of the *NotiG* (GNews)
bulletin, which disseminated e-mail articles on gender identity as well as
lighter pieces.  They were informed that the bulletin couldn’t circulate
without being registered in the National Registry of Serial Publications.
They accepted the requirement to request the endorsement of Cenesex, but
they are still awaiting a response.

In any case, the Rainbow Project currently represents the most ambitious
initiative.  It hopes to offer legal aid in cases of discrimination due to
sexual orientation or gender identity, as well as promoting debate and a
popular commitment against the bias towards a heterosexual norm, through
actions such as the Kiss-In.  They are also distributing a survey among
those who are not heterosexuals to collect their demands.

In the case of feminism as well, the official discourse continues to be
that the existence of the Federation of

Cuban Women, make an autonomous feminism unnecessary.  Nevertheless, this
mass organization continues to reproduce traditional feminine views without
really promoting a bold confrontation with problems such as macho violence
or police persecution against women who work as prostitutes.

The most powerful autonomous initiative in favor of gender equality was
probably MAGIN, the Association of Women in Communications, which in its
time agglutinated more than one hundred women journalists, artists,
scientists and even politicians.

It didn’t last very long: in 1996, three years after its foundation and
without succeeding in becoming legalized they were informed that they
couldn’t continue to function, under the argument of fear that the United
States would utilize them.

<http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75831> [7]Over the last year and
a half, the debate forum: “Look with Suspicion” has consolidated itself as
a gathering space for Cuban feminists.  They take on topics such as
“Cyberfeminism, gender and nation”, or “Literature and feminism”, with
presenters that include academics such as Isabel Moya or Norma Vasallo, but
also autonomous activists such as Negra Cubana, Yasmín Portales or Krudas
Cubensi.

It’s chief promoters are three communicators: Hernández Hormilla, Lirians
Gordillo Piña and Danae C. Diéguez.  They have received the backing of the
Monseñor Oscar Arnulfo Romero Group for Reflection and Solidarity (OAR) a
legal non-governmental organization of Christian inspiration, and of the
National Union of Cuban Writers and Artists (UNEAC) whose center they use
to hold their debates.

“We could have met in our houses, but we were interested in penetrating
into the space held by institutions and holding a dialogue with that
structure which also has its strengths,” Danae explains.  Nonetheless
several of those attending fantasize about the idea of creating a network
of autonomous and challenge-minded communicators as Magin had been.

Another project that has been launched autonomously, but with a certain
degree of institutional backing, is Afro-Cubans (*Afrocubanas)* promoted by
the blogger Sandra Álvarez and the writer Inés María Martiartu, with the
objective of “making visible the contributions of Cuban black women to the
national history and culture,” the former explains.  It has produced a
book, a blog and several meetings of black women in Sandra’s own house to
debate questions of feminism and anti-racism.

*The internet, key to autonomy*

In Cuba, the majority of the population continues to have no access to the
internet, and even those who do have it must put up with very precarious
connections.  In Havana, information mainly circulates via those handy USB
memory sticks.  The government sustains that the United States blockade has
kept them from setting up broadband connections, and that this fact
justifies their decision to prioritize certain sectors for satellite
internet access: public institutions, universities, hotels, etc.

In 2007, Hugo Chavez announced that they would install a fiber optic cable
from Venezuela to Cuba, but the process has made mysteriously slow
progress, inspiring rumors of corruption.  Up until today, the government
has declared that the cable is “absolutely in operative condition,” but
those on the internet have yet to note even the slightest improvement in
the connection.

Even blogs considered “officialist”, such as Young Cuba (*La Joven
Cuba)*have criticized the lack of transparency and the resistance to
providing
universal access to the internet.  The majority of the cyber-activists use
their workplaces to publish in their blogs and on social networks,
consequently running the risk of being discovered and fired.

At any rate, the internet has been one of the elements that have permitted
those from the critical left to make themselves visible, especially outside
of the island.  It has at least inspired hope in this new form of sharing
information and having their denunciations heard.

In June, for example the police in Havana detained two members of Critical
Observatory who had spray paint in their backpacks and held them for twelve
hours.  “By this time, Critical Observatory had already made public the
denunciation on Facebook, Twitter and the WordPress collective’s blog.
Fortunately, the new technologies manage to speed up a little the process
of justice, although they aren’t able to transform the absurd.” Isbel wrote
in Havana Times.

Havana Times is the digital daily of reference among the critical left:
among its habitual contributors are several staunch members of Critical
Observatory.  Its director, Circles Robinson, defines it as an “independent
source for presenting the complex Cuban reality, that struggles for
information pluralism with diverse criteria in a country where this has
been seen with suspicious eyes.”
 <http://www.havanatimes.org/?attachment_id=75836> [8]

Social Forum 2012

“Navigating in very polarized waters, we hope to contribute to elevating
the debate and finding participative solutions to the country’s problems,”
he adds.  Havana Times publishes in Spanish and English, offering opinion
pieces on such things as the multi-party system, relations with the
Catholic church, or the economic reforms; news items that inform about
questions that the official media silence (the crumbling of buildings or
the mysterious fiber optic cable) and interviews to introduce new talents
in Cuban culture.

Last month, Havana Times was accused in two articles published in *
Cubadebate* and *Rebelión* respectively, of being a source “encouraged by
the United States” and of supporting “counter-revolutionaries” such as the
blogger Yoani Sánchez or Antonio Rodiles (*Estado de Sats)* for having
interviewed them.

The fact that Circles was born in the United States makes it easier for
those who accuse him of ties to the US Interests Section in Cuba. Although,
he notes, he could have been born in any other part of the world, has lived
in different countries and worked for 7 years for the Cuban government.

Another interesting space for those who want to escape from the so-called
cyber-war between anti-Castro and official blogs is the “Bloggers Cuba”
community.  It arose with the vocation of “breaking the dichotomy between
the experience of life on the island and its scant reflection in the
national and foreign media.”

The majority of its members openly defend socialism, but maintain a
critical perspective.  The incorporation of feminist and anti-racist
bloggers who favor sexual diversity like Yasmín or Sandra Álvarez, author
of *“Negra Cubana tenia que ser” *(It had to be a Black Cuban Woman) has
reinforced the critical and committed nature of this compilation of blogs.

Sandra, Yasmín, Isbel, Luis, Dmitri, Rogelio…the names repeat themselves
when we talk about the critical left, feminist and LGBT activism, or about
blogs and independent media, or about cultural projects linked to the
institutions.

They are barely a handful of people but they continue to gain followers in
their zeal to construct a socialist and sovereign Cuba, true to the
revolutionary principles that guided the struggle against the Batista
dictatorship, and free of repression and authoritarianism.

Amidst a broad explosion of individual initiatives since Raul Castro
broadened the list of occupations that could be practiced autonomously,
people joke about requesting that the Tax Administration to grant licenses
for independent activism.

While the Government continues to place obstacles in the way of the
consolidation of independent social movements, those connected with
Critical Observatory ask that leftist collectives from other countries
abandon their complacency towards the Castro regime and support them as the
movement that can best extract Cuba from the fight between Stalinist
communism and imperialist capitalism – two models in crisis.
——
*(*) June Fernandez edits the online magazine
Pikara<http://www.pikaramagazine.com/>
[9].*


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2 Comments To "Independent Activism in Cuba"

*#1 Comment* By *Luis* On August 5, 2012 @ 8:01 am

This ‘network’ is awesome, you guys are truly making difference towards not
only a better Cuba, but a better world!

*#2 Comment* By *Michael N. Landis* On August 5, 2012 @ 8:33 am

Although you have given us a lot to digest here, June (like one of those
elaborate meals Lezama Lima describes in Paradiso), you have presented a
very satisfying banquet! From it, I gain intelletual sustinance– and
optimism! I feel Cuba’s Revolution will develop in a democratic direction;
it certainly can’t go back to a Stalinist model, and the capitalist model
is daily becoming less appetizing.
------------------------------

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[9] Pikara: *http://www.pikaramagazine.com/*

[10] Image: *http://www.linkwithin.com/*

*-----------*

**
*

Irina Echarry: I enjoy reading, going to the movies and spending time with
my friends. Many of the people I love are dead, or are no longer in Cuba. I
will do my best to transmit my thoughts, ideas or worries via these pages
so you can get to know me. I will give an idea of my age, since it helps
explain certain things. I’m over thirty-five, and I think that’s enough
information. I don’t have any children yet, or nieces or nephews. There are
days when I transform myself into a child with no age at all in order to
see life from another angle. It helps me break the monotony and survive in
this strange world.

<http://www.havanatimes.org/author/irina>
 Internet Access for Havana Times Writers July 31, 2012 | [image:
Email]<http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75461&emailpopup=1>
 Email <http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75461&emailpopup=1> | [image:
Print]<http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75461&print=1>
 Print <http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=75461&print=1> | 3  61

Irina Echarry

Foto: Caridad

HAVANA TIMES — Havana Times has been online for nearly four years –
publishing diaries, opinions, interviews, news, etc. One of its greatest
merits — and I would say, what makes it unique — is the diversity of
opinion.

Another important feature is that the vast majority of the people who write
for the site live in Cuba, which is positive on one hand, but terrible on
the other due to all the difficulties with getting online.

Here on the island, most of us don’t have Internet access for reading the
discussions and comments concerning our own articles.

Of the 23 Havana Times writers, only six (26 percent) have Internet access.
Many of us never get the chance to even see the site.

Of those six, one of them has access from both work and home; three have
access exclusively from work, and two can get online from home (using the
accounts of family members – though only for a few minutes at a session).
The connections are very slow, maybe what they were like 15-20 years ago in
many countries.

The rest of us have to be content with email, be it our own or through
someone else.

Among these other writers, six check their email every day, three do it one
or two times a week, two open their mail every 15 days, another one checks
once a month; and a last one checks sporadically, but can’t send or receive
attachments.

The means for getting to check one’s mail are through one’s job or some
government institution, with the help of family members or friends, or by
paying an astronomical 2 CUCs (2.20 USD) an hour.

There are three of us who don’t even have email accounts and have to depend
on others to send articles to HT or to read the comments sent that same
route by the editor.

But our problems aren’t only access. For six of the writers having their
own computers is still just a dream.

These are some of the difficulties that prevent us from participating in
the discussions as we would like, but we still keep working.
*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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