http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/24/opinion/americas-inevitable-retreat-from-t
he-middle-east.html?nl=todaysheadlines
<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/24/opinion/americas-inevitable-retreat-from-
the-middle-east.html?nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120924>
&emc=edit_th_20120924

America's Inevitable Retreat From the Middle East


By Pankaj Misra


NY Times: September 24, 2012


THE murder of four Americans in Libya and mob assaults on the United States'
embassies across the Muslim world this month have reminded many of 1979,
when radical Islamists seized the American mission in Tehran. There, too,
extremists running wild after the fall of a pro-American tyrant had found a
cheap way of empowering themselves. 


But the obsession with radical Islam misses a more meaningful analogy for
the current state of siege in the Middle East and Afghanistan: the
helicopters hovering above the roof of the American Embassy in Saigon in
1975 as North Vietnamese tanks rolled into the city. 


That hasty departure ended America's long and costly involvement in
Indochina, which, like the Middle East today, the United States had
inherited from defunct European empires. Of course, Southeast Asia had no
natural resources to tempt the United States and no ally like Israel to
defend. But it appeared to be at the front line of the worldwide battle
against Communism, and American policy makers had unsuccessfully tried both
proxy despots and military firepower to make the locals advance their
strategic interests. 

The violent protests provoked by the film "Innocence of Muslims" will soon
subside, and American embassies will return to normal business. But the
symbolic import of the violence, which included a Taliban assault on one of
the most highly secured American bases in Afghanistan, is unmistakable. The
drama of waning American power is being re-enacted in the Middle East and
South Asia after two futile wars and the collapse or weakening of
pro-American regimes. 

In Afghanistan, local soldiers and policemen have killed their Western
trainers, and demonstrations have erupted there and in Pakistan against
American drone strikes and reported desecrations of the Koran. Amazingly,
this surge in historically rooted hatred and distrust of powerful Western
invaders, meddlers and remote controllers has come yet again as a shock to
many American policy makers and commentators, who have promptly retreated
into a lazy "they hate our freedoms" narrative. 

It is as though the United States, lulled by such ideological foils as
Nazism and Communism into an exalted notion of its moral power and mission,
missed the central event of the 20th century: the steady, and often violent,
political awakening of peoples who had been exposed for decades to the sharp
edges of Western power. This strange oversight explains why American policy
makers kept missing their chances for peaceful post-imperial settlements in
Asia. 

As early as 1919, Ho Chi Minh, dressed in a morning suit and armed with
quotations from the Declaration of Independence, had tried to petition
President Woodrow Wilson for an end to French rule over Indochina. Ho did
not get anywhere with Wilson. Indian, Egyptian, Iranian and Turkish
nationalists hoping for the liberal internationalist president to promulgate
a new "morality" in global affairs were similarly disappointed. 

None of these anti-imperialists would have bothered if they had known that
Wilson, a Southerner fond of jokes about "darkies," believed in maintaining
"white civilization and its domination over the world." Franklin D.
Roosevelt was only slightly more conciliatory when, in 1940, he proposed
mollifying dispossessed
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/p/palestinians
/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier> Palestinian Arabs with a "little
baksheesh." 

Roosevelt changed his mind after meeting the Saudi leader Ibn Saud and
learning of oil's importance to the postwar American economy. But the cold
war, and America's obsession with the chimera of monolithic Communism, again
obscured the unstoppable momentum of decolonization, which was fueled by an
intense desire among humiliated peoples for equality and dignity in a world
controlled by a small minority of white men. 

Ho Chi Minh's post-
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/w/world_war_ii
_/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier> World War II appeals for assistance to
another American president - Harry S. Truman - again went unanswered; and
Ho, who had worked with American intelligence agents during the war, was
ostracized as a dangerous Communist. But many people in Asia saw that it was
only a matter of time before the Vietnamese ended foreign domination of
their country. 

For the world had entered a new "revolutionary age," as the American critic
Irving Howe wrote in 1954, in which the intense longing for change among
millions of politicized people in Asia was the dominant force. "Whoever
gains control of them," Howe warned, "whether in legitimate or distorted
forms, will triumph." This mass longing for political transformation was
repressed longer by cold war despotism in the Arab world; it has now
exploded, profoundly damaging America's ability to dictate events there. 

Given its long history of complicity with dictators in the region, from the
shah of Iran to Saddam Hussein and Hosni Mubarak, the United States faces a
huge deficit of trust. The belief that this deep-seated suspicion can be
overcome by a few soothing presidential speeches betrays only more
condescending ignorance of the so-called Arab mind, which until recently was
believed to be receptive only to brute force. 

It is not just extremist Salafis who think Americans always have malevolent
intentions: the Egyptian anti-Islamist demonstrators who pelted Hillary
Rodham Clinton's motorcade in Alexandria with rotten eggs in July were
convinced that America was making shady deals with the Muslim Brotherhood.
And few people in the Muslim world have missed the Israeli prime minister's
blatant manipulation of American politics for the sake of a pre-emptive
assault on Iran. 

There is little doubt that years of disorder lie ahead in the Middle East as
different factions try to gain control. The murder of Ambassador J.
Christopher Stevens in Libya, the one American success story of the Arab
Spring, is an early sign of the chaos to come; it also points to the
unpredictable consequences likely to follow any Western intervention in
Syria - or Iran. 

As in Southeast Asia in 1975, the limits of both American firepower and
diplomacy have been exposed. Financial leverage, or baksheesh, can work only
up to a point with leaders struggling to control the bewilderingly diverse
and ferocious energies unleashed by the Arab Spring. 

Although it's politically unpalatable to mention it during an election
campaign, the case for a strategic American retreat from the Middle East and
Afghanistan has rarely been more compelling. It's especially strong as
growing energy independence reduces America's burden for policing the
region, and its supposed ally, Israel, shows alarming signs of turning into
a loose cannon. 

All will not be lost if America scales back its politically volatile
presence in the Muslim world. It could one day return, as it has with its
former enemy, Vietnam, to a relationship of mutually assured dignity.
(Although the recent military buildup in the Pacific - part of the Obama
administration's "pivot to Asia" - hints at fresh overestimations of
American power in that region.) 

Republicans calling for President Obama to "grow" a "big stick" seem to
think they live in the world of Teddy Roosevelt. Liberal internationalists
arguing for even deeper American engagement with the Middle East inhabit a
similar time warp; and both have an exaggerated idea of America's financial
clout after the biggest economic crisis since the 1930s. 

It is the world's newly ascendant nations and awakened peoples that will
increasingly shape events in the post-Western era. America's retrenchment is
inevitable. The only question is whether it will be as protracted and
violent as Europe's mid-20th century retreat from a newly assertive Asia and
Africa. 

 <http://www.pankajmishra.com/> Pankaj Mishra is the author of "From the
Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia."


  _____  

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