http://monde-arabe.arte.tv/en/gado-and-morsis-imposed-decree/


<http://monde-arabe.arte.tv/wp-content/uploads/Gado_article.jpg>

*In partnership with Cartooning fo <http://www.cartooningforpeace.org/>r
Peace <http://www.cartooningforpeace.org/>, once a week ARTE is publishing
a press cartoon on events unfolding in the Arab world by illustrators
involved in the various countries, but also by western cartoonists. This
week: Gado (Tanzania).*

*-----------------------*

*http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/59734.aspx*


Egyptian opposition parties and revolutionary groups will organise a march
to the presidential palace in Heliopolis on Tuesday afternoon to protest
the draft constitution, which will be put to national referendum on 15
December.

The call was initiated by the National Salvation Front, a recently-formed
umbrella group led by former presidential candidates Hamdeen Sabbahi and
Amr Moussa, as well as reform campaigner Mohamed ElBaradei, after President
Morsi announced the date of the upcoming referendum on Saturday.

"The Constituent Assembly is illegitimate, and it produced a disfigured
constitution without the participation of women, Christians, workers or
intellectuals. We will seek all nonviolent means to prevent this assault on
the rule of law from happening," Hussein Abdel-Ghani, a spokesman for the
group, told Ahram Online.

Marches from Rabaa Al-Adaweya Mosque in Nasr City and El-Nour Mosque in
Abbasiyya will converge on the presidential palace in the district of
Heliopolis in Cairo at 5pm, while adjacent protests in Tahrir Square will
begin by 3pm.

Tuesday's protests come after over a hundred thousand protesters held a
demonstration in Tahrir on Friday to oppose Morsi's controversial
constitutional declaration from 22 November, which renders his decrees
immune to judicial challenge and also makes the Islamist-dominated Shura
Council and Constituent Assembly immune from dissolution by court order.

---------------------------

[image: media 
strike]<http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/59726/Egypt/Politics-/-newspapers-and--TV-channels-strike-for-freedom-of.aspx>
12 newspapers and 5 TV channels strike for freedom of
expression<http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/59726/Egypt/Politics-/-newspapers-and--TV-channels-strike-for-freedom-of.aspx>
12 Egyptian privately and partisan-owned newspapers and five TV channels
plan to stop work on Tuesday and Wednesday against the proposed draft
constitution
--------------------------
http://www.marxist.com/egypt-revoolution-act-2.htm

Egyptian Revolution, Act 2<http://www.marxist.com/egypt-revoolution-act-2.htm>
Written by Umm Kulthum (in Cairo)Monday, 03 December 2012
[image: Print] <http://www.marxist.com/egypt-revoolution-act-2/print.htm#>

We received this report from Cairo, written last week just after the big
November 27thdemonstration. While it was being written, several thousands
of demonstrators were still in Tahrir Square after the big demonstration of
27th. Hundreds of thousands had gathered in this square, the symbol of the
Egyptian Revolution, shouting “Revolution”, “Oust the *murshid* government”
(*murshid *is the supreme leader of the Muslim Brotherhood).

A demonstrator in the square told us: “Shoes are ready to fly for the
president”. This was a reference to the Middle Eastern custom of taking off
one's shoes and throwing them to display disapproval and disdain, in the
same manner that protestors threw shoes when Mubarak announced he would not
resign. The banners welcoming us in the square read: “The Muslim
Brotherhood are traitors”, “Entry forbidden to *Ikhawan*” (Arabic for
“Brothers”) and “The president is pushing the people towards a general
strike”.

Rallies numbering tens of thousands of people started out from every
neighbourhood of Cairo to reach the square. The march from the
working-class area of Shubra was particularly large. Almost all sectors of
society got involved: there were marches of the lawyers' trade union, and
the artists'. Even the judiciary has announced mass resignations to protest
against the “tyranny” – this is how they define the Morsi government –
which reveals the widespread malaise existing in society.
The protest

The protest erupted seven days ago against the decree presented by Morsi
(November 22nd) by which the Egyptian president has concentrated wide
powers in his hands. The justification put forward is the “defence of the
revolution”. The opposite, of course, is true. But it is the usual excuse
which is often used in this country to sanction an unpopular policy. The
protests have included many clashes between the demonstrators (three dead
so far) and the police who have used the same tear gas used by the SCAF, as
a reminder of the real scent of this “democracy”.

The use of teargas was so heavy as to make it impossible to breathe even
inside the Sadat metro station, the one in Midan Tahrir. Last night the
clashes were particularly violent. The opposition's reaction to the decree
was immediate, both by political parties (El Baradei and Sabbahi have both
declared that they want to build a national front against the decree) and
revolutionary movements that jointly called for tomorrow (November 30th) a
new demonstration (under the slogan of “Repeal or resign”) with the aim of
not leaving the square until the goal is reached, i.e. the decree is
revoked.

Tension could build up even more if you take into account that the Muslim
Brotherhood has called for a rally precisely in Tahrir Square (with the
clear aim of provoking and triggering riots), in defence of the president –
whom, in some slogans, the protestors call “Hosni Morsi”, to underline the
continuum with the previous Egyptian president. Tonight it was announced
that the Muslim Brotherhood is not going to rally in Tahrir, a clear sign
that the MB movement feels weak, or at least they're not sure they can win
the unavoidable battle if they march on Tahrir.

There have been demonstrations not only in Cairo, but throughout Egypt. The
most important ones have been in Alexandria, Suez, Port Saiz, Damietta. In
many cities regarded as strongholds of the Islamic movement, such as
Alexandria and Port Said, the Brotherhood's offices were set on fire and
the pro-Morsi marches have seen little participation. The Egyptian
president has invited the citizens to stay united to save Egypt – a kind of
unity that only serves the privileges of those in power.
Continuity or discontinuity?

The Muslim Brotherhood and their Freedom and Justice party have presented
themselves as representatives of the Revolution but, as we have explained
in many articles, they represent nothing but the interests of a group
within the Egyptian bourgeoisie which was virtually excluded from power
during the old regime.

Egypt is a country on the brink of economic collapse, with an economy on
its knees with soaring poverty and illiteracy rates. To give an idea of the
situation, the average income of an Egyptian household is 25,000 Egyptian
pounds per year (but, for example, a kilo of meat costs over 40 Egyptian
pounds) and one child in four lives below the poverty line (source:
Egyptindipendent).

And what is the government doing? Absolutely nothing! The members of the
party in power have repeatedly stated that the *laissez faire *economic
policies of Mubarak were perfectly in line with the economic policies of
the Muslim Brotherhood. The people feel that the dream of social justice
that came with the Revolution has been betrayed. Many of those who voted
for the MB in the last elections – because they naively believed this would
change their living conditions – are now having to come to terms with
reality. The truth is that the Muslim Brotherhood cannot and does not want
to modify the conditions of the poorer layers of society.

On a side note, it was in the recent news that the Constituent Assembly has
maintained the privileges granted to the military apparatus under the old
regime. The government will not be able to change the budget reserved for
the military and it will still be possible to try a civilian in a military
court. There is a tight connection between the two sectors, the old and new
apparatuses.

Meanwhile, the strikes continue. A few days ago, there was a strike of the
tube workers. The strike of the doctors was militant. It started on October
1st and carried on for several days with a high rate of participation (in
the city of Mansoura there was 93% participation). The medical staff was
asking for an increase of state expenditure on healthcare to 15% of GDP
(today it's only 5%), wage increases, and better safety in hospitals and
medical centres. The workers have challenged the leadership given by the
trade union controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood. This trade union
boycotted the strike and experienced a loss of 15,000 members among the
medical staff. These are just two examples of countless industrial actions
and workers' protests taking place in this period, showing the current
trend of working class militancy.
Whither the Revolution?

Together with the courage and determination of the protestors there are
come some questions in the movement that have prevented, at least so far,
the development of its true potential. For instance, Sabbahi and El Baradei
have extended their front against the decree to Amr Moussa, Mubarak's
former Minister of Domestic Affairs, defining him “least worse” than many
others in the old Establishment!

The logic of the lesser evil, often used by the Egyptian Left (for example
when a part of it chose to support Morsi in the second ballot against
Shafik), in a revolutionary situation is very dangerous. On the one hand it
paves the way for MB propaganda that accuses the revolutionaries of
protecting the*felool *(members of the former regime), and on the other
hand it confuses the masses, failing to draw a sharp a line of demarcation
between the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary camps. Partly, it was
this lack of a clear demarcation that permitted the victory of the Muslim
Brotherhood in the latest elections. Why has Sabbahi, who came third in the
elections by winning over 20% of the votes, not appealed to the workers to
organise a general strike in support of the movement? This would clearly
characterise the street protests, giving them more strength and allowing a
firmer connection between the revolutionary movement and the labour
movement – a connection that we have lacked so far in an organised fashion.

In order for the Egyptian Revolution to win, it must be understood that
so-called democracy along the lines of the Western model is not enough to
achieve justice, freedom and dignity, but a radical transformation of
society is what is needed. The workers must draw the conclusion that it is
absolutely necessary to unite and fight for long-lasting change in working
conditions. It is necessary that working people and the youth understand
that only by organising a struggle to reach a radical change in society,
socialism, can one make the Revolution victorious. Any step in any another
direction will either be an ephemeral conquest or even a point scored by
reaction.

The supposedly left-wing leadership of the movement has failed many times
to take this path to help the masses in becoming aware of this vital need.
Howebver, the Egyptian Revolution is only writing its second page and the
road ahead is still very long. The sight of Tahrir Square so full of
people, that are so radical and militant, reminds us of the fact that
nothing can stop the workers and youth once they decide to enter the arena
of history and take their destiny in their own hands.

Thawra hatta al-nasr!

November 29, 2012



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[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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