*For a somewhat different view, in Spanish:*
*
*

*
http://www.luchadeclases.org.ve/component/content/article/7268-allen-romero-allenjavier1
*<http://www.luchadeclases.org.ve/component/content/article/7268-allen-romero-allenjavier1>
*A 10 años del golpe petrolero ¿continua la
conspiración?<http://www.luchadeclases.org.ve/component/content/article/7268-allen-romero-allenjavier1>
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
*

The 2002 Oil Lockout: 10 Years Later

Dec 7th 2012, by Yuleidys Hernandez Toledo – Ciudad CCS / CdO International
[image: Venezuela this week marked ten years since the opposition’s
two-month sabotage of Venezuela’s oil industry and economy in an]

Venezuela this week marked ten years since the opposition’s two-month
sabotage of Venezuela’s oil industry and economy in an attempt to overthrow
the Chavez government (Ciudad CCS)

Building nearly a million homes, strengthening the national healthcare
system, and creating productive sources of new employment are just a few of
the things the national government could have done with the $20 billion
dollars lost during the oil lockout launched by the Venezuelan opposition
on December 2, 2002. That’s the way Fernando Travieso, economist and
petroleum expert, interprets the opposition sabotage of Venezuela’s vital
industry some ten years ago.

According to Travieso, interviewed by Venezuelan daily Ciudad CCS, the
opposition’s conduct in late 2002 and early 2003 resulted in a 25% drop in
the country’s oil-based Gross Domestic Product (GDP), a blow to the economy
that affected all related industries and daily life for the Venezuelan
majority. “The oil sabotage was, economically speaking, a catastrophe”,
said Travieso. “With the resources lost during the stoppage giant things
could have been done for the benefit of society”,he  affirmed.

According to statistics released by Venezuela’s state owned oil company,
Petroleos de Venezuela (Pdvsa), measured in unsold oil during the two month
lockout the public firm suffered $14.4 billion dollar loss in revenue. This
massive hit to Pdvsa’s annual income resulted in a $9.9 billion dollar
reduction in contributions to the national coffers. The final result: the
Chavez administration found itself with a reduced capacity to invest in,
and advance, widely needed social programs, putting an almost-complete stop
to the national government’s social investment plan for the 2002/2003
period.

According to David Paravisini, oil engineer and analyst, the lockout
organized by the so-called Venezuelan Workers’ Federation (CTV), the
Venezuelan Chamber of Commerce (Fedecamaras), a right-wing coalition known
as the Democratic Coordination (CD), and other sectors of the Venezuelan
opposition, caused a wave of scarcity in basic goods (milk, rice, beef,
etc.) since gasoline used to transport foods became limited.

At the same time, private industry knowingly closed its doors to citizens
in need, turning scarcity into depravation. As such, the Venezuelan people
were forced to live with the daily consequences of a clearly insurrectional
lockout, a political maneuver aimed simply at overthrowing the President of
the Republic.

Paravisini also explained that the paralyzing of the oil industry, which
lasted 63 days, inflicted damage to Pdvsa that has yet to be overcome,
leaving “over a thousand wells…with some 50 million barrels of oil left in
them…broken during the lockout with yet no possibility (technically
speaking) of getting them back into production”.

*National Strike?*

On December 2, 2002, the CTV, Fedecamaras, and the opposition’s Democratic
Coordination called a “national strike” backed by the so-called
“meritocratic” administrators of Pdvsa – together, they brought oil
production to a halt. The objective of their action: force President
Chavez, Venezuela’s democratically-elected President, to resign.

This was the fourth stoppage called by the opposition within a year, all of
which came in response to the signing by President Chavez of 49
revolutionary laws in November 2001. The first lockout came on December 10,
2001. The second came February 9, 2002, followed by the third on October
21, 2002. All three of these, however, were limited to a stoppage in
commercial activities (sales). Not unrelated, the April 2002 coup went much
further, including orchestrated acts of violence and a failed attempt
within the Venezuelan Armed Forces, which lasted only 48 hours, to end
Venezuela’s democratic experiment with socialism.

Of the aforementioned laws passed by President Chavez, one of the issues
that provoked the strongest resistance within Venezuela’s oil-based elite
was that the Law of Hydrocarbons regained “oil sovereignty” for the nation
and increased royalties paid by foreign companies from an embarrassing
Fourth Republic (1958-1998) policy of 1%, to its current level of 33.33%.

*Sabotaging Informatics with Foreign Aid*

On January 17, 1997, a company known as Informatics, Business, and
Technology (Intesa) was formed and tasked with optimizing the structures of
information technologies used by Pdvsa. This company was born with Pdvsa
investing, and owning, a 40% share, while another firm – Science
Applications International Corporation (SAIC) – owned the rest (60%).

Surprising to many, however, was what the Venezuelan Ministry of
Communication and Information (Minci) later revealed: SAIC is a US based
company and has, among other members of its executive, ex-military
intelligence officials and former directors of the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA).

According to Minci, during the oil lockout “INTESA exercised its ability to
control our computers by paralyzing the charge, discharge, and storage of
crude at different terminals within the national grid. It also altered the
functionality of most oil substations, compressing and processing plants,
etc”.

Intesa made sure, in advance, that the manipulation of PDVSA’s networks was
only possible for those with access to secret internal codes – a small
group of people working directly for Intesa who knowingly joined the oil
lockout and kidnapped Pdvsa’s entire network using a clandestine,
carefully-elaborated, pre-meditated scheme.

This scheme included the use of hidden modems installed in desks and office
walls, the use of phone and internet systems to paralyze Pdvsa operations,
and the destruction of databases needed to keep operations running.

This past October, Pdvsa announced that some thirty ex-employees had been
sanctioned with fines between $21 and $26 million dollars for their role in
the oil lockout. On November 11, 2012, investigative journalist Jose
Vicente Rangel reported that numerous legal proceedings against saboteurs
of Pdvsa are currently “advancing”.

According to Rangel, “a group of 185 ex-Pdvsa employees, most of which held
administrative or management posts, are under investigation for acts
against the Venezuelan people and public property”. Regrettably, many of
these saboteurs are also fugitives of justice currently living in
self-imposed exile.
------------------------------
*Source URL (retrieved on 07/12/2012 - 1:22pm):*
http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/7527


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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