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Human Rights Watch Get it Wrong on Venezuela…Again

Jan 15th 2013, by Ewan Robertson - Venezuelanalysis.com
[image: José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director of Human Rights Watch (EFE)]

José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director of Human Rights Watch (EFE)

In their latest intervention into the debate over freedom of expression in
Venezuela, Human Rights Watch has once again got it wrong. In an article
entitled “Venezuela: Halt Censorship, Intimidation of
Media”<http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/01/12/venezuela-halt-censorship-intimidation-media>,
which was predictably picked up by mainstream outlets globally, the New
York-based body makes the charge that the Venezuelan government is engaging
in “censorship and intimidation of media that challenge the official line
regarding President Hugo Chávez’s health and inauguration”. This is further
described as part of a strategy to use Venezuela’s Media
Responsibility Law<http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5914> to
“limit public discussion on issues of national importance”.

*Globovision*

To back up their claim, HRW can only find two cases to cite. The first is
the opening up of an administrative investigation into pro-opposition TV
station Globovision by national telecommunications regulator Conatel on 9
January. The investigation relates to a set of Globovision-made short
spots<http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xwmsak_estos-son-los-micros-por-los-que-conatel-abrio-procedimiento-a-globovision_news>
questioning
the legality of the delay in President Hugo Chavez’s inauguration, through
quoting certain excerpts from the Venezuelan constitution and comments by
government figures. Conatel argues that the spots, whose continued
broadcasting it prohibited, may have broken article 27 of Venezuela’s Media
Responsibility Law, which prevents media outlets from producing information
that “generates public anxiety or disturbs public order, acts against the
stability of the democratic system, denies the authority of the
legitimately constituted authorities, or generates hate or intolerance for
political or religious reasons”.

HRW dismiss Conatel’s claim out of hand, with HRW Americas director José
Miguel Vivanco quoted as saying, “There is nothing in the content of
Globovisión’s broadcasts that could remotely be described as incitement or
a threat to public order”. As such, Conatel’s investigation is made to
appear as petty and aimed at censoring what is supposedly only a case of a
media outlet questioning the government line.

However, both the content of the spots and the political context in which
they were produced make HRW’s description of the situation highly
contestable. For example, one of the spots begins by showing President
Chavez commenting before he went to Cuba for surgery in December that if he
is unable to continue as president, new elections should be called. Then,
the spot goes on to quote and underline the first half of article 231 of
the constitution, which states that a president elect should be sworn-in
for their new term on the 10 January after their election.

The spot then moves on to quote one paragraph of article 233 of the
constitution which says “when a permanent absence (of the president) is
produced before assuming office (i.e. before the inauguration ceremony), a
new election must be held within thirty days”. The spot ends by quoting
another part of article 233, which states that in such a case, the
president of the National Assembly must assume the presidency while a new
election is held.

Through focusing on the 10 January swearing-in date, then quoting the
constitutional article on permanent presidential absences, a deliberate
manipulation takes place. By introducing the idea that the current
constitutional situation is one of Chavez’s “permanent absence”, the spot
invites one to think that the correct legal step is for new elections to be
called after 10 January. Yet Chavez’s status is not “permanent absence” and
so it is actively misleading to equate that part of the constitution with
the current situation, as Globovision does.

Globovision deploys the language of the president’s “permanent absence” and
heavily promotes the notion of a “new election within thirty days” in a
delicate political context. The opposition are arguing that the delay in
Chavez’s swearing-in until after 10 January is a “violation” of the
constitution and is a “coup d’état”, with sectors of the opposition
declaring that they no longer recognise the legitimacy of the government. I
have heard a few opposition supporters tell me that based on their
(mistaken<http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/7595>)
understanding of the situation, “After 10 January, Chavez is no longer
president,” and that new elections need to be called.

In such an atmosphere, there is definitely a case to be made that a media
outlet repeatedly broadcasting an actively misleading set of quotes from
the constitution which seem to cast the legitimacy of the government into
question does indeed break several clauses within article 27 of Venezuela’s
media responsibility law. The reality of the situation suggests that HRW’s
stance has more to do with taking Globovision’s side in an argument with
the government, rather than about a crusade for freedom of speech in
Venezuela. Certainly, the opening of the administrative investigation into
the spots hasn’t stopped Globovision from providing a platform for the same
arguments through its numerous programs and commentators.

HRW also repeats the ridiculous claim that Globovision is the “only
remaining television station with national coverage consistently critical
of Chávez’s policies,” which is
demonstrably<http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5860> false.
The body also forgets to mention that the majority of both press and radio
in Venezuela are privately owned, and generally critical of the government.
Perhaps what HRW means is that Globovision is the only television station
in Venezuela that purposefully manipulates information in a way that would
not be tolerated in any Western country?

*Federico Medina Ravell*

The only other evidence that HRW can find to back its charges of
“censorship” by the Venezuelan government is the case of tweeter Federico
Medina Ravell. Medina’s house was searched on 6 January by officers of
Venezuelan’s national intelligence service (Sebin) as part of
“investigations into the instigation of terrorism via social networks,
especially Twitter,” according to an official statement by Venezuela’s
Attorney General.

Medina is assumed to be behind the Twitter name ‘Lucio Quincio C’, an
account <https://twitter.com/LucioQuincioC> which propagates rumours about
Chavez’s health and questions the legitimacy of the government. Several
tweets appear to claim without basis that Chavez has already died, such as
one message directed at a pro-Chavez supporter on 6 January which said,
“Your owner is cold, he doesn’t have fever and is stable, he’s not moving”.

Federico Medina Ravell is described by Human Rights Watch as a
“businessman”. Medina is in fact the cousin of Alberto Federico Ravell, one
of the founders of Globovision, who now edits a Venezuelan news website
called *La Patilla*. According to
claims<http://www.dossier-360.com/Site/News.aspx?id=3145> by
pro-government journalist and TV host Mario Silva, Medina Ravell also
counts prominent opposition political and media figures among his friends
such as Henrique Capriles Radonski, Maria Corina Machado, and Antonio
Ledezma.

HRW watch says that “Medina, who was not present at the time, said in an
interview published online that the intelligence agents detained his wife
and children for several hours and took two computers from his home”. This
is true, but it doesn’t quite appear to be the heavy-handed security
operation the HRW report suggests. According to Venezuelan news website
Noticias24<http://www.noticias24.com/venezuela/noticia/144376/comision-del-sebin-allano-casa-del-primo-de-alberto-federico-ravell-en-el-trigal-fotos/>,
the family had two lawyers present during the search, and neighbours were
present as witnesses during questioning about Medina’s activities. Indeed,
photos of Sebin officials conducting the search are available on a variety
of news websites such as the one linked above.

The house search also doesn’t appear to have limited the freedom of
expression of the twitter account ‘Lucio Quincio C’. For example, a 12
January tweet appeared to continue speculation of Chavez’s current state by
saying “stop crying for your owner, I have offers on crowns and urns”.

Whether it was necessary for police to investigate Medina over the
information propagated through the twitter account is definitely
questionable. However, the action hardly amounts to the HRW charge of
“limiting public discussion on issues of national importance”. Apart from
brief coverage of the search itself, Venezuelan media haven’t said much on
the matter. Considering that private media in Venezuela will use almost
anything to criticise the government and try to find even the most flimsy
basis for the cry of “restrictions on freedom of expression”, the fact that
they haven’t reported much about this case suggests that even they consider
it a non-starter.

Rather, it appears that HRW are grasping at straws in their attempt to
create an inaccurate image of the current state of media, freedom of
expression and public debate in Venezuela. Indeed, this would not be the
first time that HRW has been accused of grossly misrepresenting human
rights in Venezuela <http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/4051> or
committing howlers <http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/7149> in their
description of media and press freedoms in the country.

The reality inside Venezuela is that both government and opposition, and
media outlets and citizens of all political stripes are freely arguing
their point of view over Chavez’s health and the current constitutional
situation. This includes some opposition leaders openly calling the current
state of affairs a “coup” and announcing they no longer recognise the
government. In such a context, a limited investigation into a media outlet
enjoying a public concession which broadcasts actively misleading
information about the constitution does not constitute “the limiting of
public discussion” or “censorship”, as much as HRW would like to cast
things otherwise.
------------------------------
*Source URL (retrieved on 15/01/2013 - 9:43am):*
http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/7613


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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