Open letter to President Obama 

There is a widening chasm between you and Egyptians, Bahieddin Hassan tells the 
US president 

To President Barack Obama: 

Three years ago, I had the honour of meeting you in the White House as part of 
a delegation of some 50 human rights defenders from around the world. I was one 
of three rights defenders who were asked to speak during the 40 minutes out of 
the 90-minute meeting during which you and your advisors were present. 

When it was my turn to address those gathered, I urged you to consider the gulf 
between the content of your speech to the Arab and Islamic worlds in Cairo in 
June 2009 and the reality of American policy in February 2010, noting that they 
seemed separated by much more than simply a few months. In Cairo, you promised 
to stand by peoples of the region and engage with them, but eight months later 
your administration's policy was to turn its back on the people and work 
instead with local regimes. I discussed three examples of this: Palestine, 
Yemen and Egypt. 

Jokingly, you noted that despite being a guest in the White House, I was 
audacious enough to criticise the president in his presence. I responded that 
the act required no courage at all in light of what happens when we try to 
criticise Arab presidents back home, at which the hall erupted in laughter. 

After the Egyptian revolution, I met your commendable human rights advisor 
Samantha Power and told her it was time for a second Cairo speech. At the time, 
hopes were high that Egyptians would now be able to work to dramatically 
improve the human rights situation in the country, and that US policy would 
support Egyptians in achieving these aspirations. 

Now, two years later, neither changes to the human rights situation nor to US 
policy have fulfilled our hopes. Egyptian young people continue to live in 
frustration due to the deteriorating economic situation and the repeated 
failure of political processes to represent their demands, despite the 
sacrifices that they have made for the sake of the revolution and transition to 
democracy. Young people taking to the streets to express this frustration 
continue to be met with violence. 

In fact, while people often write their last wills in their 60s or 70s, 
Egyptian youth in their 20s — who would normally be planning their weddings — 
have been found carrying freshly penned wills while participating in protests. 
But these wills are not written to pass on material possessions to their 
relatives, as most of them own nothing of value and can only offer their lives 
and their aspirations to live a life of dignity in their own country. Rather, 
these wills dictate the details of their funerals: Which square will the 
procession proceed from? Which streets will it pass through? What chants should 
be heard? 

Twenty-three-year-old Mohamed Hussein Al-Qarni, administrator of the 
"Brotherhood Are Liars" Facebook page, will not be the last of these youth to 
die. He was shot in the neck and chest on 1 February in a side street near the 
Ittihadiya Presidential Palace. Since December, the palace environs have 
witnessed the torture of demonstrators by members of the president's party, the 
dragging and beating of protesters by security forces in scenes broadcast 
around the world, and assassinations. Two prominent cases are those of 
opposition journalist Mohamed Al-Husseini Abu Deif, who was shot in the head 12 
December in front of the palace, and that of Amr Saad, 19, who was also shot in 
the head in front of the palace in the beginning of February. This violence has 
also been seen in Tahrir Square. On 20 November, 17-year-old Gaber "Jika" 
Salah, the administrator of the Together Against the Muslim Brothers Facebook 
page, was shot in the head with a shotgun. On 31
 December, 20-year-old Mohannad Samir, a member of the 6 April Movement, was 
shot in the head with a shotgun and entered a coma for several days before it 
finally became clear that he would survive. 

Rape, which is recognised internationally as a weapon of war, is now used in 
Egypt as a political weapon to deter opponents from gathering in Tahrir Square. 
According to multiple testimonies in recent weeks, the assaults differ 
radically from the forms of sexual harassment prevalent in Egypt in previous 
years. According to victims and video footage, female protesters are separated 
from the demonstrations, taken to other locations, and raped, in what appear to 
be organised, previously planned attacks. The faces of the assailants show no 
signs of emotion or sexual excitement. The objective appears to be to break the 
political will of the victims through profound degradation, whether they are 
raped, sexually mauled, or stripped entirely of their clothes — if they manage 
to escape the mob. In more than one case, a knife was used to penetrate the 
victims' vaginas, and multiple women underwent hysterectomies after being 
assaulted. In this context, we can
 understand the attempted rape of a 70-year-old woman known for her political 
affiliation as well as the sexual assault of a number of men. 

Mr President, when I spoke with you in 2010, I asked why the US administration 
condemns repressive practices in Iran while remaining silent when Arab regimes 
engage in the same violations. Over recent months, statements by your 
administration have similarly failed to address violations and have even blamed 
protesters and victims for violence committed in the context of demonstrations. 
Indeed, the stances of your administration have given political cover to the 
current authoritarian regime in Egypt and allowed it to fearlessly implement 
undemocratic policies and commit numerous acts of repression. 

Statements that "Egypt is witnessing a genuine and broad-based process of 
democratisation" have covered over and indeed legitimised the undemocratic 
processes by which the Constituent Assembly passed the new constitution, an 
issue which has in turn led to greatly heightened instability in the country. 
Calls for "the opposition [to] remain non-violent" and for "the government and 
security forces [to] exercise self-restraint in the face of protester violence" 
have allowed the police and the current Egyptian administration to shirk their 
responsibilities to secure demonstrations and to respond to the demands of the 
Egyptian people, and have allowed them to place the blame for violence and 
instability on protesters themselves. Urging "the opposition [to] engage in a 
national dialogue without preconditions" undermines the ability of the 
opposition to play a real role in the decision-making processes of the country, 
as these "dialogues" seldom result in
 anything more concrete than a photo-op with the president. 

Is it a coincidence that the statements issued by your administration reflect 
the same political rhetoric used by the new authoritarian regime in Egypt? But 
when these statements come from the world's superpower — the one most able to 
have a positive or negative impact on policies in Egypt and the region, not to 
mention the biggest donor and material supporter of the Egyptian regime for the 
past 35 years — they become lethal ammunition, offering political protection to 
perpetrators of murder, torture, brutality and rape. 

I do not write you today to ask you to condemn the repressive policies of the 
current regime, or to ask you to urge President Mohamed Morsi to "cease" using 
excessive force and violence against Egyptians, even as your administration was 
so eager to achieve a ceasefire with Hamas to stop hostilities in Gaza. I write 
you not to ask for troops to protect political protesters in Egypt, or to 
suspend, freeze, or reduce military or economic aid to my country, or even to 
impose conditions on that aid. My request is quite modest: that spokespeople 
and officials in your administration stop commenting on developments in Egypt. 
This will no doubt spare your administration much time and effort, but more 
importantly, it may spare more bloodshed in Egypt, as the current regime will 
no longer enjoy the political cover that the US administration now offers them. 
Certainly, Egypt has seen enough bloodshed over the last two years, and 
Egyptians are tired of being punished
 for their uprising. 

When in December I met Michael Posner, assistant secretary of state for human 
rights and that rare person in your administration who is motivated by human 
rights concerns, I asked that he pass on this modest request to administration 
spokespeople: that as long as they cannot speak the truth about what is 
happening in Egypt, they keep silent. 

Mr President, only a few days ago Egyptians celebrated the second anniversary 
of their revolution. Meanwhile, the regime commemorated the occasion 
differently: by re-enacting the scenes of violence and brutality seen during 
the 18 days of the 2011 uprising, adding the new phenomenon of gang rapes. In 
one week, more than 60 people died in several governorates, and there were 
dozens of reported gang rapes and assaults. Hundreds of people were arrested 
and an unknown number abducted. One of them — 23-year-old Mohamed Al-Guindi — 
reappeared a few days later in a hospital, brutally tortured, and soon died. 

Mr President, I fear that the gulf I spoke to you about three years ago is fast 
filling up with blood. In this context, further American statements supporting 
the current Egyptian regime will only lead to more Egyptians being beaten, 
raped, tortured, and killed. Please, ask officials with your administration to 
stop talking about Egypt for a while, at least until we can bury our dead, 
comfort their grieving families, treat the victims of rape and torture, find 
the disappeared, and read the wills of a new generation of young people who 
plan not for their weddings but for their funerals. 


The writer is director of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies. 


http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/1328/21/Open-letter-to-President-Obama.aspx

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