http://lo-de-alla.org/2013/02/colombia-farc-in-havana/#more-3754

Colombia: FARC in Havana<http://lo-de-alla.org/2013/02/colombia-farc-in-havana/>

*The truth and the lies about a heroic guerrilla movement*

[Translation of an article from *Brasil de Fato* of São Paulo for February
8. See original here <http://www.brasildefato.com.br/node/11917> and
related 
articleshere<http://lo-de-alla.org/2012/10/colombia-agrarian-question-a-challenge-in-peace-talks/>
 and 
here<http://lo-de-alla.org/2012/09/colombia-no-deadline-in-bogota-farc-peace-process-rebel-leader-says/>
.]

By Miguel Urbano Rodrigues

There is no hiding the fact these days that the Juan Manuel Santos
administration is not interested in having the Havana peace talks attain
the objective of the agreement sketched out in Oslo with the sponsorship of
Norway and Cuba. On the contrary, it makes an effort to prevent their
leading to an end of the conflict and to the peace that the Colombian
people want.

The head of the Bogotá delegation, Humberto de la Calle, repeatedly finds
pretexts for threatening to end the talks, preventing the discussion of
items on the agenda from moving forward.

The capture of two police officers in the Valle department, supposedly by
the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and the Ejército
Popular (EP), is the latest of these pretexts.

It should be recalled that on November 20 of last year the revolutionary
organization declared a ceasefire, during which it suspended all its
offensive operations. Did Santos opt for a similar gesture? No. His
response was an intensification of the war by the government’s military
apparatus, with its 500,000 men, the largest and best equipped army in
Latin America. From that point onward, tons of bombs were dropped on the
guerrilla camps. In the face of the situation thus created, the FARC
resumed its interrupted combat once the two months of the ceasefire had
elapsed.

The government, with the support of the media, immediately accused them of
compromising the progress of the peace talks. In order to confuse pubic
opinion, domestic and foreign, the army and the minister of defense, Juan
Carlos Pinzón, resorted to double-talk.

When the army takes guerrillas, the military and the press report that they
were “captured in battle.” But when elements of the official armed forces
are taken prisoner by the guerrillas, the government, the television and
the newspapers declare that “military and police officers were kidnapped in
a cowardly manner by the FARC narcoterrorists (or thieves and assassins).”

Humberto de la Calle, spewing insults of FARC, switches the roles, holding
them responsible for the stagnation of the peace talks, and says that they
“are deceived if they believe that with this kind of action they are going
to force the government into a bilateral ceasefire.”

Dismantling the official lies and hypocrisy, the FARC dotted all the I’s in
a brief communiqué in which they explained, “The FARC-EP will commit
themselves to not undertaking new acts of an economic nature. Although Law
002, which refers to our financing, is still in force, we reserve the right
to take as prisoners members of the public forces who surrender in battle.
They are called ‘prisoners of war,’ and this is something that occurs in
every conflict in the world.”

In an interview published on January 30, the writer Carlos Lozano, editor
of the weekly *Voz,* organ of the Colombian Communist Party, denounced the
bad faith of the government representatives in the Havana talks and the
campaign that portrays Colombia as a democratic country. Elections
“Colombian style,” he explains, are carried out “under the conditions and
advantages of the dominant oligarchy. Therefore, they fear reforms, they do
not accept changes to the rules of politics because they are their rules.”

In this context, it is obvious that the Bogotá government does all it can
to prevent the peace process from moving forward. In an unexpected
pirouette, President Juan Manuel Santos agreed, under popular pressure, to
open peace talks because he is working for his reelection, which is
otherwise problematic. It was a political move.

The oligarchy, the army and Washington are committed to continuing the war.
Addressing his generals recently, Santos used an aggressive language,
making his thoughts clear: “Everyone knows the number of actions must be
tripled until we end this war one way or another.”

Comandante Iván Márquez, head of the FARC delegation, stripped Juan Manuel
Santos of his mask in a press conference in Havana on February 1. He
pointed out that the government had rejected all the suggestions offered by
the FARC for strengthening the agenda in the spirit of the Oslo accords.

Santos responded with a round NO! to the following proposals:

–holding the peace talks in Colombia;

–the inclusion of Comandante Simón Trinidad as a member of the FARC
delegation;

–discussion of a bilateral ceasefire, with the participation of the
minister of defense and of General Alejandro Navas, commander in chief of
the armed forces;

–the “regularization” of the war, that is, its humanization;

–participation of the citizenry in the peace talks;

–priority for a broad and deep debate on the agrarian question, with the
presence of the minister of agriculture;

–the calling of a constituent assembly.

We see an image of the government, the oligarchy and the armed forces in
Santos’ “NO.”

*A positive balance*

It would therefore be a romantic illusion to believe that the outcome of
the peace process in Havana will be an accord that opens the door to an end
of the conflict.

The Bogotá government, in a pre-electoral period, tries to gain time and
sooth the combativeness of the masses by feigning an openness to dialogue.
History does not repeat itself in the same way; but everything indicates,
with as yet imprecise data, that he will imitate former President Patrana
who in February, 2002, broke off the negotiations with the FARC in Caguan
and invaded the demilitarized zone.

The transparency of Juan Manuel Santos’ plan makes pertinent a question
asked by many of those who have followed the Havana dialogues, including
people in solidarity with FARC’s combat. Was it worthwhile to open these
armored negotiations? It is my conviction that the balance is very positive.

The interest aroused by the Havana talks and the Oslo prologue will allow
the voice of the guerrilla to reach millions of people in dozens of
countries. In press conferences, in interviews and articles, leaders like
Comandantes Iván Márquez, Rodrigo Granda, Jesús Santrich and others will
project the real image of the FARC and its revolutionary organization,
incompatible with the perverse caricature of them exported by Santos and
his generals.

I had the opportunity to know some of these FARC combatants. And I reaffirm
what I have written about them: seldom have I met more authentic Marxist
revolutionaries, more firm, more prepared ideologically for the declaration
and defense of the objectives, strategies and tactics of their
organization, which they take on as a party.

The FARC will now appeal, once again, to the European Union to remove their
name from the list of terrorist organizations, an inexcusable error
committed because of pressure from Washington and from former President
Uribe Vélez. Charged with state terrorism, the inventor of paramilitarism
and complicit in drug trafficking, that was the fascist Uribe government.

As a Portuguese, I feel bitterness and shame for Juan Manuel Santos having
been received in Lisbon with special honors and praised as head of a
democratic state.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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