THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 2013
Can El Salvador continue to resist calls to investigate war time atrocities?
The entire post might go up on Al Jazeera sometime in March or April if the
issue is still relevant, but I thought that I would share this with you
now. I wrote it last Saturday and as of right now I might have to add the
Florida trial and anything that happens with Inocente Montano. What else?

*Can El Salvador continue to resist calls to investigate war time
atrocities?*

While much of Latin America has made significant progress in the fight
against impunity for crimes committed by their country’s armed forces
during the Cold War (Guatemala, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil,
Guatemala, etc.), El Salvador has so far been able to withstand domestic
and international pressure to pursue justice for victims of the armed
conflict. However, its “successful” resistance to such pressure might not
last for much longer.

During the civil war in El Salvador, approximately 75,000-80,000
Salvadorans were killed, including an estimated 6,000-8,000 disappeared.
Mitchell Seligson and Vincent McElhinny estimate that over fifty thousand
of those killed were
civilians<http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/ljr6zS/Low%20Intensity%20Warfare%20High%20Intensity%20Death%20The%20Demographic%20Impact%20of%20the%20Wars%20in%20El%20Salvador%20and%20Nicaragua.pdf>.
On January 16, 1992, the Government headed by Alfredo Cristiani of the
rightwing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and the commanders of the
leftwing Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) guerrillas signed
a comprehensive peace agreement to end the war at a ceremony in Chapultepec
Castle in Mexico City.

Six months later, investigators set out “to examine systematic atrocities
both individually and collectively.” After investigating many of the most
serious and high-profile atrocities from the 1980s, the Report of the UN
Truth Commission on El Salvador, From Madness to Hope: The 12 Year War in
El Salvador <http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/salvador/informes/truth.html>,
found that eighty-five percent of the reported human rights violations
(including extrajudicial executions, torture, rape, and enforced
disappearances) were committed by members of the State’s official and
unofficial security forces. The FMLN was responsible for five percent of
all reported human rights violations.

The United Nations delivered its damning report on March 15, 1993. The
Salvadoran right immediately
criticized<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2126313>
the
finds as biased, incomplete, and illegal. Five days later, on March 20,
ARENA and its allies in the Legislative Assembly passed a blanket amnesty
law, the 1993 General Amnesty Law for the Consolidation of Peace (Decree
486), in the name of national reconciliation that shielded both military
and guerrillas.

For nearly the next two decades, the ARENA controlled the presidency and
had no intention of overturning the amnesty law or in any way holding human
rights violators accountable for their civil war era crimes. While
representatives of the FMLN apologized for any human rights violations that
they had committed during the civil war, they never made overturning the
amnesty or prosecuting human rights violators a priority. Prior to the 2009
election, the FMLN’s presidential ticket made it clear that they were not
prepared to call for an end to the amnesty.

However, President Mauricio Funes, who was elected at the head of the FMLN
ticket in 2009, has made some progress on recognizing the State’s role in
wartime atrocities. He and his administration have
apologized<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8463929.stm> to
the Salvadoran people for a number of crimes committed by the State
including the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar
Romero<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8586560.stm>,
the 1981 massacre at El
Mozote<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-16589757>,
the forced 
disappearance<http://www.blogger.com/then-Foreign%20Minister%20Martinez%20Hugo%20Martinez>
of
children, and honored the Jesuits slain in 1989 with the nation’s highest
honor<http://tvnz.co.nz/world-news/el-salvador-honours-jesuit-priests-3151058>.
Unfortunately, for whatever reason, President Funes has shown little
interest in moving beyond apologies.

On May 30, 2011, a Spanish judge issued arrest
warrants<http://www.cja.org/article.php?list=type&type=84> for
twenty former members of the Salvadoran armed forces for their roles in the
murders of six Jesuit priests and their housekeeper and her daughter in
November 1989 on the grounds of the Central American University “José
Simeón Cañas. Five priests held Spanish citizenship. The Salvadoran courts
and government refused to extradite the suspects to Spain or to open
criminal proceedings against them in El Salvador. In August of that year,
the Salvadoran Supreme Court ruled that they only needed to locate them men
and that they would not be extradited because an official request had not
been received. While rejecting the Salvadoran court’s justification for not
moving against the accused, the Spanish judge then formally issued an
extradition request in November 2011 which the Salvadoran Supreme Court
then simply denied in May 2012. The defendants are not under arrest in El
Salvador but they run the risk of arrest and extradition to Spain should
they leave the country at any point.

One of the men wanted in Spain is Inocente Orlando Montano. He was
arrested<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2011/08/jesuit-murder-suspects-released.html>
on
immigration violations in Boston, Massachusetts in August 2011. The
authorities took him into custody because he lied about his military
background when he entered the United States and when he applied for
Temporary Protected Status. The immigration judge could send him to prison
for his immigration violations or look to begin proceedings to have him
expelled to his home country of El Salvador or extradited to Spain where he
is wanted in connection with the Jesuits’ murders. However, the judge
appears to be considering giving Montano a longer prison sentence in the US
for violating immigration laws because of his long history human rights
abuses as Vice Minister of Defense for Public Security. A longer prison
sentence in the United States or his extradition to Spain could place
additional pressure upon the Salvadoran government to act.

Over the last twenty years, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
(IACHR) and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (also the IACHR)
have issued rulings or passed resolutions calling on the Salvadoran State
to investigate the forced disappearance of children. In 2010, President
Mauricio Funes authorized the creation of the Comisión Nacional de Búsqueda
de Niños y Niñas Desaparecidos to help find out what happened to the
hundreds, if not thousands of missing children. However, the country’s
armed forces have not made public any records that might shed light on the
disappeared as ordered by the IACHR and President Funes has been unwilling,
or unable, to force them to open up the military archives.

Recently, the Associated
Press<http://www.elnuevoherald.com/2013/02/19/1412058/militares-salvadorenos-adoptaron.html>
ran
a story on a number of children who were disappeared during the civil war
in El Salvador. At least one dozen children were adopted during the war by
members of the country's armed forces. Some children were subsequently
raised by the soldiers who kidnapped them. Other children were given away
to be raised by strangers. Finally, there were a number of children sold
into the international adoption process where they ended up with families
in the US, France, and Italy. While most of the information is already
known, its international and national coverage should make it more
difficult for the Salvadoran State and current and former military officers
to stonewall investigations on missing children. As Marcos Aleman writes in
the AP article, the Salvadoran military is the region’s second military
“proven” to have engaged in child abductions during the Cold War.
Argentina’s General Jorge Rafael
Videla<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/05/jorge-rafael-videla-convicted-baby-thefts>
was
convicted of baby thefts and sentenced to fifty years in prison in July
2012.

After condemning the amnesty law in 1994, 1999, and 2003, the IACHR ruled
in December 2012 that that the country's 1993 amnesty law was
invalid<http://www.elfaro.net/es/201302/noticias/10965/> and
that the government must investigate the massacre at El
Mozote<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-20675619>.
Upwards of one thousand Salvadorans were killed in and around El Mozote in
December 1981 during the largest massacre of El Salvador’s civil war. Most
of the victims were women, children, and elderly. Many were raped and
tortured before being burned to death. Very few remains were of
military-aged men who might have served in the guerrillas. The
IACHR<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-20675619> called
on the government to investigate the massacre at El Mozote, assist in the
exhumation and identification of the remains, compensate victims and their
families, and to not let the country’s amnesty law stand in the way of
holding the perpetrators’ accountable.

March 20th is an appropriate date for the Salvadoran congress to overturn
the amnesty law that it passed twenty years ago. It’s possible that, at the
time, the amnesty was the price that Salvadorans had to pay for the
military and economic elite to agree to civilian rule and to the
incorporation of the FMLN into the political system as a political party.
However, no one took the victims’ into consideration when they passed the
amnesty.

It’s also possible, if not certain, that those who perpetrated or supported
the repression against the civilian population during the war will provoke
instability and warn of a military coup if there is any attempt to overturn
the amnesty. In June 2011, ARENA and its allies in the Legislative Assembly
unsuccessfully moved to neuter the Constitutional Court when it believed
that the court might find the amnesty law unconstitutional. ARENA officials
and retired military officers have voiced their strong displeasure with the
president after each of his apologies.

However, if brave prosecutors, judges, and elected officials in Argentina,
Uruguay<http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/02/2013219105659440890.html>,
Chile,Guatemala<http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/01/201313012311371250.html>,
Brazil and elsewhere can successfully overturn their country’s amnesty laws
or push ahead with criminal proceedings in spite of the existence of such
laws and in the face of threats from those accused, so can prosecutors,
judges, and elected officials in El Salvador. The survivors and the family
members’ of the victims from the massacres at El Mozote, the Rio Sumpul, el
Calabozo, and elsewhere deserve justice.

In addition, no Latin American government that has pushed to hold human
rights violators accountable has succumbed to a successful coup. It’s
unlikely that those who are against trials in El Salvador would like to be
remembered as the first.

[See also 
Colin<http://americasouthandnorth.wordpress.com/2013/02/23/el-salvadors-stolen-children/>
, 
Hector<http://www.hectorsilvavalos.blogspot.com/2013/02/por-que-permitio-que-las-atrocidades.html>,
and Tim 
I<http://luterano.blogspot.com/2013/02/the-strategy-of-child-abductions-in-el.html>
 and 
II<http://luterano.blogspot.com/2013/02/salvadoran-war-crimes-once-again-in-us.html>
on
recent developments.]

http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2013/02/can-el-salvador-continue-to-resist.html


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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