Another jewel of an article clarifying the limitations of Chavism from a 
socialist point of view, from Prensa Obrera (Workers Press) - Partido Obrero 
(Argentina):

(see original article in Spanish: 
http://po.org.ar/po1259/2013/03/14/el-chavismo-y-el-estado/ )

Chavism and the State

By Jorge Altamira (Prensa Obrera, March 14, 2013)

The various "missions", social in character, which distinguished the actions of 
the Chavez government, were praised even by his most bitter opponents for the 
effect they had on the redistribution of income, even though he was blamed at 
the same time for a huge dilapidation of funds as well as for the intervention 
of Cuba.

The enterprises enjoying the highest reputation were those in education, health 
and housing.

Above and beyond any other considerations, they constitute parastatal 
initiatives; the structure of the State is ignored in those areas. The 
K[irchners], in Argentina, tried out a parody of the "missions", as in the case 
of the 'shared dreams' of the Foundation of the Mothers [of Plaza de Mayo], or 
some 'missions' run by La Campora in the barrios (social clientelism). Instead 
of destroying the old state machine and transforming it, it is 'bridged', that 
is, preserved. A consequence of this conservative approach has been the 
deterioration of the government budget for existing hospitals and schools, and 
the devaluation of labor power in the fields of teaching and public health. 
This explains the constant struggles of these sectors against the government, 
and the alignment of many of them with the right-wing opposition or with the 
pre-Chavez union bureaucracy. The same may be said of the student movement: 
many Chavista universities were built at the expense of existing public 
institutions, which are autonomous. The apparent social radicalism has left the 
State intact, which otherwise would have passed into the hands of the workers.

Something similar can be said of "commune power". The "communes" override the 
municipalities and government organisms in parallel to the state apparatus that 
the Chavista Constitution simply ratified. The "commune power" is not the basis 
of state power, which has always been a monopoly of Chavez and his 
civil-military circle. The "communes" develop a "participatory budget", which 
is contributed by the national government. They are branch offices of the 
central government, that is, of personal power. Something very different from 
their being local deliberative bodies determining the orientation of national 
power, as intended by the system of soviets in Russia, the Juntas (boards) in 
Spain (1936/7), the revolutionary courts and the "rebel army" in Cuba (1959) or 
räten (workers' councils) in Germany (1919-1923).

Far from being an expression of popular power, the missions and communes 
constitute a transmission belt from the National Executive, particularly where 
mayors and governors are from the opposition. Chavism has been creating a kind 
of really 'sui generis' dual power: between the Bonapartist apparatus being 
created by the national executive, on the one hand, and the apparatus formally 
recognized by the Constitution, on the other. When conditions of shortages 
occur, the communes oscillate between expressing the demands of the population 
and acting against the popular protests.

Just as Chavista socialism has a diffused distributive but non-revolutionary 
character in the forms of property ownership; that socialism in politics is 
thinly disguised Bonapartism, already put into practice by Bonapartist regimes 
worldwide over the last two hundred years. 

Clarifying this point is of the utmost importance.



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