Haiti: Four of Johny Jean’s assailants convicted of “personal
violence”<http://lo-de-alla.org/2013/03/haiti-four-of-johny-jeans-assailants-convicted-of-personal-violence/>

*Haitian government has an obligation to stand up for its citizen*

[Translation of an article from *AlterPresse Haïti* for March 14. See
original here <http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article14246> and
related articles
here<http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/peacekeepers-accused-sexually-assaulting-haitian-teen/story?id=14437122&singlePage=true#.T66NvFKiof0>
 
andhere<http://lo-de-alla.org/2012/05/case-of-alleged-sexual-abuse-by-un-troops-in-haiti-moves-forward/>
.]

*Port-au-Prince, March 14* – Four of the five Uruguayan marines accused by
Haitian citizen Johny Jean of rape have been convicted of personal violence
[*violence privée*], the victim’s lawyer, Gervais Charles, announced in a
press release delivered to AlterPresse on March 12.

This information reached the lawyer on March 11 through the new Ecuadorian
ambassador to Haiti, Raul Pollack Giampietro.

Not even the Ecuadorian foreign service was notified formally of the court
decision, which was of concern at one level or another to Haitian and
Ecuadorian diplomats, according to the press release from Charles’ office.

“The ambassador, as strange as it may seem, gave us to understand that he
learned of it by means of the press,” the document reads.

Although he considers the punishment given the assailants to be less than
he hoped for, Charles holds it is established that the responsibility of
Uruguay and the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti
(MINUSTAH) is “clearly an obligation.”

The Haitian youth’s lawyer is awaiting a ruling on the punishment of the
MINUSTAH rapist soldiers.

Johny Jean’s attorney “hopes that the case, now in the hands exclusively of
the Uruguayan executive, will proceed at a more reasonable pace (than it
has so far), which should permit the victim to be compensated for the pain
he has suffered.”

For now, the victim of rape by the MINUSTAH soldiers has regained some
self-esteem. But “despite the support of his family,” the monstrous scar
left by his assailants’ crime blocks the process “of calm contemplation of
a future for a young man of his age,” Charles stated.

After the crime of rape committed against him by the five Uruguayan
MINUSTAH soldiers, Johny Jean was obliged to leave his birthplace of
Port-Salut (in the south of the country) to move to Port-au-Prince, where
the living conditions are not what he had hoped for.

So far, the current political administration of Haiti has shown a certain
indifference to the case of young Haitian citizen Johny Jean, who was raped
on Haitian territory by Uruguayan MINISTAH soldiers, in Charles’ opinion.

“They [Johny Jean’s lawyers] remind the Haitian government of its
obligation to stand up for its citizen, the victim of such an odious crime,
prevented form pursuing the delinquents by the immunity granted” to the
Uruguayan MINUSTAH soldiers, they write in the press release.

The Haitian government has taken on only a portion of the cost of the trip
and the stay in Uruguay for Johny Jean and his mother.

On May 10, 2012, Johny Jean testified and identified his assailants in
court in Montevideo.

“The indignation shown by all sectors of the population should make the
Haitian government understand that this case should be treated with the
government of Uruguay and MINUSTAH as a priority,” Gervais Charles advised.

In case the Haitian victim of rape does not find justice and “suitable”
reparations, the lawyers are prepared to take the case before the United
Nations.

If the Haitian government continues to “infringe on the right to justice of
Haitian citizen Johny Jean, to the benefit of the Uruguayan MINUSTAH
soldiers, it is possible we will find ourselves before a tribunal against
the government,” warns Charles, who intends, above all, to proceed with
restraint.

Eighteen-year-old Johny Jean was taken by force into the Uruguayan base at
Port-Salut where he was raped by United Nations soldiers, as confirmed in a
report on an inquiry by the Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains
(RNDDH – National Network in Defense of Human Rights), released on
September 5, 2012.

http://lo-de-alla.org/2013/03/haiti-four-of-johny-jeans-assailants-convicted-of-personal-violence/#more-3824


*Is the Caracol Industrial Park Worth the Risk?*

* **by Haiti Grassroots Watch
*[image: ...]Last October, officials from the Haitian government and a
number of foreign governments and institutions, who call themselves“friends
of Haiti,” saw their dream become a reality. Finally, there was earthquake
reconstruction progress worth celebrating with the inauguration of the
giant Caracol Industrial Park (PIC), which, according to its backers, will
someday host 20,000 or maybe even 65,000 jobs.

            President Michel Martelly was there, as were Haitian and
foreign diplomats, the Clinton power couple, millionaires and actors, all
present to celebrate the government’s clarion call: “Haiti is open for
business.”*

            “We supported the Caracol Park because we knew it was going to
be an extraordinary thing for the north,” then-Social Affairs Minister
Josépha Raymond Gauthier told *Haiti Grassroots Watch (HGW)*. “The park
will allow us to ‘decentralize’ the country and create a northern ‘pole.’
It will also give people jobs in an extraordinary way!”

            [image: ...]But a two-month investigation by HGW discovered
that the number of jobs in the north is not yet “extraordinary,” and that
many other promises have not yet been kept.

            One year after it started operations, only 1,388 people work in
the park; 26 of them are foreigners, and another 24 are security guards.
Also, HGW research among a sampling of workers found that, at the end of
the day, most have only 57 gourdes, or US$1.36, in hand after paying for
transportation and food out of their 200 gourdes minimum wage (US$4.75)
salary.

            HGW also learned that most of the farmers kicked off the land
to make way for the industrial park are still without land.

            “Before, Caracol was the breadbasket of the Northeast
department,” said Breüs Wilcien, one of the farmers expelled from the
250-hectare zone. “Right now there is a shortage of some products in the
local markets. We are just sitting here in misery.”

            Another farmer, Waldins Paul, a member of the Association of
Caracol Workers, explained: “In my opinion, [the PIC] has its advantages
and its disadvantages… The good part is that there are a lot of people who
before didn’t have anything to do, who just sat around yawning. But now
they see they aren’t getting that much for working, since 200 gourdes
(about US$4.75) can’t do anything for anyone. What’s worse, it has
impoverished the breadbasket of Haiti’s North and Northeast departments.”

            The PIC was put together by the U.S. and Haitian governments
with help from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). It cost, for the
first phase, at least US$250 million. Almost half, about US$120 million,
came from U.S. citizens. Since then, more money has been spent on studies,
roads, and on paying off the farmers expelled from their lands. [See *“Caracol
By The Numbers”*]


[image: ...]*“The disadvantages”*

The January 2010 earthquake forcefully dislocated 1.3 million people in
Léogâne and the capital. But those weren’t the only regions that saw
dislocation. The PIC also forcefully expelled people: the 366 families who
were farming 250 hectares of fertile land. [See “Haiti: Open for
Business”<http://haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-20/Martelly%20government.asp>to
learn more about the choice of Caracol for the park.] The Chabert
plantation assured the survival of about 2,500 people in those families, as
well as 750 agricultural workers who toiled for at least 100 days per year
each year on the plots.

            The Haitian government requisitioned the land in November 2011,
covered it with asphalt and fill, and put up giant hangers for the
factories. The Technical and Execution Unit (*Unité Technique d’Exécution* -
UTE), an agency of the Finance Ministry, has been charged with the task of
relocating of the farmers, and also with paying them damages to cover the
cost of every harvest lost until they receive new lands.

            According to the UTE, each farmer is getting US$1,450 per
hectare to make up for the lost cash revenue, as well as an additional
US$1,000 per hectare to account for the food that the family would have
eaten from its own plot(s). (HGW could not determine if the agricultural
workers also received payments.)

            In January 2013, the UTE told HGW that the state had paid out
to the farmers on two occasions, because the farmers had lost two harvests
thus far.

            In addition to the money spent to reimburse the farmers – a
total of about US$1.2 million, Haiti has also twice lost 1,400 metric tons
(MT) of agricultural products, or 2,800 MT of food produced in Haiti for
Haitian consumption. It takes over 100,000 bushels of dried beans to make
up 2,800 MT. Finally, the UTE itself has an operating budget of about US$1
million. [See *Caracol By The Numbers*]

            Verly Davilmar will be getting 35,000 gourdes, or about US$833,
for the most recent harvest lost. Before, he worked a half-hectare of land,
growing yams, manioc and spinach. No longer. No land. He sits at home. A
family of 10.

            “What they gave me is gone in a flash,” he told HGW. “There’s
no other revenue. You don’t have any land so you have to make do with
nothing.”

           [image: ...] UTE Director Michael Delandsheer told HGW that his
team has almost found a solution. The farmers will eventually get plots
nearby, in Glaudine.

            “Our first priority is to give the farmers land so they can
work,” Delandsheer explained.  “But even then, once they have land, we
aren’t finished. We are going to make sure they get official leases to
their land from the tax office, and we are going to accompany them
throughout the process. Even then, our work isn’t done. We want to continue
to accompany them, to help them improve their productivity.”

            After almost two years of promises, the Caracol farmers remain
skeptical. Some of the farmers in the Ouanaminthe area, home to the CODEVI
industrial park, never got lands they were promised after being displaced
almost a decade ago.

            Caracol farmers were also allegedly promised jobs. “They said
our family would be able to work [at the PIC], but so far we haven’t gotten
any job offers,” Davilmar said.

            The assistant mayor of Caracol is also disappointed. At the
beginning, Vilsaint Joseph was not completely supportive of the park, but
he kept an open mind, he said. And he is happy that the commune now has
electricity, thanks to the power plant built by the U.S.. But people in
Caracol haven’t gotten jobs.

            “There are people who are about 32 years old, who went and got
training, but they didn’t get a job because of the flood of young people in
their twenties,” the mayor lamented. “I think that isn’t right. People
spent three months getting trained up but then were told – ‘no work for
you.’”

            The decline in regional agricultural production is also a
worry, he said, because before, “come harvest time, there would be
truckloads of corn and beans for Port-au-Prince.”

            Of a dozen farming families questioned by HGW, all of them said
the payments were insufficient. Some said they could not afford to send all
of their children to school.

            “We are thinking of organizing a sit-in to demand that the
authorities give us land so we can work,” Breüs Wilcien told HGW during a
recent telephone interview.

            Wilcien got 42,000 gourdes (US$1,000) but he said he can’t pay
for his children’s schooling.

            “My entire household is suffering,” he said. “Before, we always
had our manioc field. When things were going badly, we went out there and
pulled some up to make sweet bread or to just eat as is. We are really
suffering these days.”

*The “winners”*

If the farmers and their families can be considered as “losers,” at least
for the moment, the government and its partners say that those who got jobs
are “winners” because they have employment. All of the documents concerning
Haiti’s reconstruction talk about the need to “create” jobs and in this
regard, the PIC is held up as the biggest “success” thus far.

*            *HGW interviewed 15 workers, men and women, employed at the
South Korean factory employing most of the PIC’s workers. This assembly
factory – S & H Global – is a subsidiary of SAE-A Trading. It puts together
clothing for some of the biggest U.S.-based companies, including JC Penny
and WalMart.

            All of the workers – most of them women, as in assembly
factories the world over – confirmed that they received the minimum wage of
200 gourdes (US$4.75) per day. Among the workers questioned, 11 said that
they spent on average 61 gourdes on transportation each day, and another 82
gourdes on the midday meal and a drink. That left only 57 gourdes or about
US$1.36, for all the additional expenses: water, electricity, food for the
family, clothing, school fees, etc. [See “Haiti: Open for
Business”<http://haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-20/Martelly%20government.asp>
]

            “I can’t live on this salary. It doesn’t do anything for me,”
Annette** told HGW.

            Before the PIC, this mother of 10 worked at the CODEVI
industrial park in Ouanaminthe. She lives near the border town and gets up
early every day to come to the PIC. Annette left her job for the new
position in the hope that conditions would be better, she said. She was
wrong.

            “What I found is not worth if,” she explained, but she doesn’t
know what else to do. Annette is in the same position as the thousands of
Haitians who agree to work for a 200-gourde daily salary.

            Economist Frédérick Gérald Chéry believes that the Haitian
government has a flawed approach to the minimum wage question, and that it
has made a huge error in focusing on assembly factories where workers
rarely earn more than that. In addition to not providing enough income for
even a basic existence, the State University professor notes that a
200-gourde salary cannot contribute to the growth of other sectors of
Haiti’s economy.

            “You have to calculate what a worker earns and then what he can
buy with that money,” Chéry told HGW during a November 2012 interview.
“What he can buy is the most important factor. You should not set the
minimum wage according to absolute terms, but in terms of the basic
necessities. You should not encourage a worker to buy rice that comes from
the U.S. or the Dominican Republic. A minimum wage should be able to buy
local products.”

            Waiting for a bus to go back home to Cap Haïtien, Flora* was
overjoyed to talk to a journalist, despite clearly being exhausted.

            “God sent you,” she said. “I have been needing a journalist to
talk about what we are putting up with in the park. They yell at us as if
we were animals. The food they prepare is bad. There is only warm water to
drink. Sometimes I’ve had to work all day without a face-mask. Dust fills
my nose.”

            The workers’ comments were backed up by a recent
report<http://betterwork.org/global/?p=1175> from
“Better Work,” an agency of the UN’s International Labor Organization,
which found that half of the 22 assembly factories in the capital region
were “in non-compliance” as far as working conditions were concerned, and
that 16 of them did not have an “acceptable” temperature.

            Asked about salaries and working conditions at its Caracol
factory, a representative of SAE-A contacted via email said the company
respected all aspects of Haitian law. However, when HGW asked to visit the
factory in order to see the working conditions, the request was denied.
More recently, a union organizer also asked to visit the factory in order
to see working conditions. That request was also denied.

            HGW’s investigation revealed that of the 15 S & H Global
workers questioned, 80% said they felt the salary level vs. the amount
worked did not make sense.

            “It’s not worth it!” Adeline* said. “The supervisors don’t
respect us. They don’t see us as human beings. They hit us with pieces of
cloth.”

            Formerly a merchant, Adeline said she wants to go back to her
old profession rather than continue to suffer.

            Haiti’s former Social Affairs Minister told HGW that she
realizes the minimum wage offers a low salary. But she immediately echoed
the same justifications that all the factory owners and managers repeat.

            “Someone working in an assembly industry [factory] isn’t going
to get rich overnight,” ex-Minister Josépha Raymond Gauthier said in a
November 2012 interview. “But someone who has no job at all has no hope.”

            The Caracol mayor told HGW that he felt the same way last year.
Now that he knows more about what he called “unacceptable” conditions and
the low salary, he has changed his mind. The jobs are nothing short of
“humiliation,” Vilsaint Joseph said.

            The Haitian government has said that eventually it will provide
free bus transportation to workers and has also promised that some of them
will receive housing with subsidized mortgages. Part of the US$120 million
pledged by the U.S. government is for a US$31 million development of 1,500
small homes called “EKAM” and located near the PIC. According to U.S. and
IDB documents, the houses – costing US$23,510 each *– *will be for workers
as well as displaced Caracol families considered “vulnerable” because they
are headed by a woman or an elderly person.

            However, because only 750 are funded at the moment, relatively
few will benefit. [See also *Caracol by the Numbers*]

*Worth the risk?*

In all, for the installation of the park, the power station, EKAM, the
payments to the farmers, and other expenses, the U.S. government, the IDB
and the Haitian government have spent over US$250 million. But even with
that investment, the eventual benefits to Haiti and to the Haitian state
are not guaranteed.

            All of the companies that set up shop in the PIC will get
various tax breaks, meaning that little money will end up in the state
coffers. Until the year 2020, the clothing assembly companies, like S & H
Global, have additional privileges thanks to the U.S. “HELP” (Haiti
Economic Lift Program) law. [See *“Haiti: Open for
Business<http://haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume5-20/Martelly%20government.asp>
”*]

            S & H Global does employ 1,388 people and has promised to
employ another 1,300 by the end of the year. In addition, SAE-A is building
a school and will subsidize its operation.

            But to establish those jobs, SAE-A closed down a Guatemala
factory, throwing 1,200 workers on the street. The company left Guatemala
for Haiti because of Haiti’s low salaries and because of the HELP law,
according toPrensa
Libre<http://www.prensalibre.com/economia/Cierra-maquila-va-Haiti_0_581341865.html>.
Once the HELP advantages expire in seven years, will SAE-A also leave Haiti?

            Even with these meager results, the Haitian government and
other actors say the PIC is a good “bet.” In one document, the IDB
promises<http://www.iadb.org/en/news/background-papers/2012-07-06/caracol-industrial-park-key-facts,10054.html>
that
it will set Haiti on “the path of economic growth.”

            Speaking to the *New York
Times*<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/06/world/americas/earthquake-relief-where-haiti-wasnt-broken.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&;>
in
2012, the IDB’s country manager José Agustín Aguerre recognized that
“[c]reating an exclusively garment maquiladora zone is something everyone —
I wouldn’t say tries to avoid, but considers a last resort.” Still, he
said, the PIC is “a good opportunity” even though the salaries are “low”
and the jobs “unstable.”

            “[Y]es, maybe tomorrow there will a better opportunity for
firms elsewhere and they will just leave,” Aguerre added. “But everyone
thought this was a risk worth taking.”

            Economist Frédérick Gérald Chéry has a completely different
analysis. Chéry notes that rushing to set up assembly industries, without a
global plan, and without a national debate, is an error.

            “Rather than seeing the textile industry as a temporary thing,
they see it as a contributing sector to our economy, and it cannot be that,
because the salaries are too low and because we don’t produce any of the
inputs,” Chéry told HGW. “We don’t produce the cloth, we don’t do the
design, and we don’t have an ‘economy of scale.’ I predict a catastrophe if
we stay on this path.”

            Also, the economist noted, prioritizing the PIC over
agricultural production is very worrying. “If we don’t develop our
agriculture in parallel with the clothing assembly industry, the farmers
will be the losers,” he said.

            The Caracol Industrial Park is not the first big project full
of promises to set up shop in Haiti’s north. In 1927, U.S. capitalists
established the Dauphin Plantation to grow sisal for the international
market. By World War II, the plantation had taken over 10,000 hectares of
land and was the biggest employer in the country. But tens of thousands of
farmers lost their land to make way for the monoculture, and the entire
region became dependent on the industry.

            After the war and the invention of nylon, sisal’s price
plummeted. The investors pulled out and eventually – in the 1980s – the
plantation closed, bankrupt. Its traces can be seen today: ruined buildings
and land made less fertile by years of sisal plants.

            One of the Caracol farmers remembered the plantation. He knows
what happened when the industry closed down. “Today, if you go visit Derac,
Collette, and Phaeton, you’ll see,” he said. “If it weren’t for the UN blue
helmets and the World Food Organization, those people would have died of
hunger by now.”



*  Reporters from Haiti Grassroots Watch and many other media were denied
access because they were not on a list compiled by a private media
consulting group called Wellcom Haiti, located in the capital.



** This is a fictional name. HGW decided to conceal the identity of the
workers in order to protect them from repercussions.

*Haiti Grassroots Watch* <http://www.haitigrassrootswatch.org/>* is a
partnership of 
AlterPresse<file:///C:/Users/Lori/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary%20Internet%20Files/Content.IE5/BSG4GGOV/_blank>,
the Society of the Animation of Social
Communication<file:///C:/Users/Lori/AppData/Local/Microsoft/Windows/Temporary%20Internet%20Files/Content.IE5/BSG4GGOV/_blank>(SAKS),
the Network of Women Community Radio Broadcasters (REFRAKA), community
radio stations from the Association of Haitian Community Media, and
students from the Journalism Laboratory at the State University of Haiti.*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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