https://nacla.org/blog/2013/3/31/bolivia-unfinished-business-land-reform

Bolivia: The Unfinished Business of Land Reform
Emily Achtenberg <https://nacla.org/nacla-bloggers#Emily>
Rebel Currents <https://nacla.org/node/7334>
April 1, 2013
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Land reform in Bolivia, and the promise of land redistribution from wealthy
*latifundistas *and agrobusiness elites to poor farmers and indigenous
communities, has been a hallmark of President Evo Morales’s administration.
Recent* 
data<http://www.inra.gob.bo:8081/InraPb/upload/INRA-Resumen%20Resultados.zip>
* from the National Agrarian Reform Institute (INRA) provide a useful
picture of what the Morales government has accomplished to date, as well as
the unfinished business that lies ahead.

[image: 1633]Credit: anbolivia.blogspot.comAccording to INRA, 157 million
acres of land have been surveyed and titled since 1996 under Bolivia’s land
regularization laws, benefiting more than 1 million people. Some 134
million acres, or 85%, have been titled during the last seven years under
Morales, compared to just 23 million between 1996 and 2005 under past
neoliberal governments.

One-third of all regularized land is now held collectively by indigenous
and peasant organizations in the form of self-governing Native Community
Lands (TCOs or TIOCs)—primarily, but by no means exclusively, in Bolivia’s
eastern lowlands. Another 22% is owned in the form of individual or family
plots by small farmers and “colonizers” (western highland farmers who have
resettled in the lowlands). Together, peasants and indigenous communities
hold 88 million acres of titled land (55%), more than double the amount
they controlled in 1992, according to INRA.

Another 57 million acres (37%) of regularized land is now titled to the
Bolivian government—a virtually non-existent category pre-INRA. Of this
total, some 3.5 million acres has been redistributed to peasant and
indigenous groups, benefiting 11,373 families and 271 communities—virtually
all under Morales. Another 11.6 million acres is potentially available for
redistribution (most state lands, protected as forests and national parks,
are not available). The remaining 7% of titled land is owned by large and
medium-sized owners.

Of the 290,000 land titles issued, more than 90% have been issued under
Morales. Almost one-quarter have been granted to women, and another 37% to
men and women jointly. This marks an historic shift for Bolivia, where
women have long been excluded from land ownership.[image: 1634]Land
titling, Pucarani, La Paz. Credit: inra.gob.bo

Still, the pace of land titling has fallen short of legal requirements and
popular expectations. The amount of land regularized to date represents
only 60% of the total 262 million acres in Bolivia that is legally required
to be titled by October 2013. INRA officials say they will need *another
five years 
*<http://www.ftierra.org/ft/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=14102:rair&catid=170:tierra&Itemid=243>to
complete the process, with the most complicated and conflicted ownership
situations yet to be addressed.

Critics, including *Juan Carlos
Rojas<http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2012/10/agrarian-transformation-in-bolivia-at.html>
,* former director of INRA under Morales, charge that the land titling and
redistribution process has slowed considerably in the last couple of years.
The data shows between *June
2011*<http://www.inra.gob.bo:8081/InraPb/upload/INRARendicionCuentas.pdf>
and
October 2012, only 11 million acres were titled—less than half the average
annual rate achieved under the first five years of the Morales government
(based on Rojas's statistics). Additionally, in 2012 only 136,000 acres of
government land were redistributed (to peasant and indigenous communities),
compared to an annual average of 222,000 acres over the previous 6 years.

Growing pressures for land redistribution and conflicts between social
sectors over land have posed major challenges for the Morales government.
Western highlands c*ampesinos*, representing 70% of Bolivia’s rural
population, are increasingly land-poor, as their “*minifundios*” (small
parcels) secured in the 1952 Revolution have been compromised by
subdivision over successive generations—and more recently, by climate
change. Many have migrated to the eastern lowlands and settled on the
fringes of protected areas, clashing with indigenous groups who regard
these territories as their ancestral lands. A case in point is the ongoing
TIPNIS highway controversy, fueled in large part by a conflict over land.

[image: 1635]Rural Cochabamba. Credit: inra.gob.boIncreasingly, peasant and
settler organizations view lowland indigenous groups as the “new *
latifundistas*,” controlling vast tracts of seemingly idle land (through
their TCOs and TIOCs) while they themselves have little. In part, this
reflects a contrast in worldviews and economies between nomadic lowland
peoples, who regard their territory as a collective resource to support
fishing, hunting, and other subsistence activities, and highland *campesinos
*, who see land as belonging to those who use it productively.
*Campesino* groups
also resent the current legal prohibition against redistributing state
lands through individual and family titles, their traditional form of
ownership.

According to the NGO *Fundación
Tierra*,<http://www.ftierra.org/ft/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8146:tierras-fiscales-en-bolivia&catid=75:tierra&Itemid=70>
much
of the 11.6 million acres of state land that could be made available for
redistribution is compromised and not suitable for productive use. Still, *vast
tracts 
*<http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2012/10/land-and-land-reform-where-are-we-now.html>of
desirable agricultural land in the eastern lowlands continue to be held by
agrobusiness and ranching elites (including many foreigners)—dating back to
the 1970s, when military dictators awarded patronage land grants to their
political cronies to promote export agriculture. While holdings that
predate the 2009 Constitution are exempt from the legal limit of 12,350
acres, critics argue that much of this land is speculatively held, not
serving a socioeconomic purpose as required by law, and could be reclaimed
by the government through an aggressive land titling process.

By some estimates, the Morales government has seized around *25 million
acres*<http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2012/10/land-and-land-reform-where-are-we-now.html>
from
owners who have failed to demonstrate a productive or legal use of their
land, including several *high profile
cases*<http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/ictarchives/2008/02/18/morales-makes-good-on-land-reform-promises-92242>
involving
debt servitude, fraudulent deeds, or obvious lack of investment by
conservative political opponents. Still, there is growing concern that the
government's new focus on agroindustrial productivity has compromised its
willingness to confront large estate holders, and its commitment to land
redistribution in general.[image: 1637]Land titling, Oruro. Credit:
inra.gob.bo

In an effort to promote food security and expand the agricultural frontier,
Morales has recently sought to forge alliances with the agro-business
sector. A *new law*  <http://www.bolpress.com/art.php?Cod=2013011203>could
exempt more than 12 million acres of illegally deforested land (outside the
national parks) from reverting to the state, if owners pay a small fine and
commit to agricultural reuse.  To facilitate owners’ access to credit, the
government has also agreed to *suspend until 2018
*<http://www.laprensa.com.bo/diario/actualidad/economia/20121206/no-se-revertiran-las-tierras-ociosas_39119_62692.html>the
verification process required to determine whether land holdings are
serving a socioeconomic purpose (it’s currently unclear whether this*
controversial* *proposal*
<http://www.paginasiete.bo/2012-10-05/opinion/destacados/18opi00105-10-12-p720121005vie.aspx>has
been modified to exclude the largest estate holders).

For 
*Rojas*<http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2012/10/agrarian-transformation-in-bolivia-at.html>,
such measures suggest “not only [that] the process of agricultural
transformation [has] stalled, but that there is the risk of it being
reversed.” In any case, they will serve to intensify the current conflict
between highland  *campesinos* and lowland indigenous groups over Bolivia’s
land policy. A *law proposed
*<http://www.paginasiete.bo/2011-10-24/Economia/Destacados/4700000121.aspx>by
the national peasant organizations would legitimize illegal settlements in
protected areas such as the TIPNIS, allow the reversion of indigenous
lands, and permit private ownership of redistributed state lands—confirming
the worst fears of lowland indigenous groups.

Unless the Morales government is willing to confront the twin challenges of
the *minifundio* and the*latifiundio* through a more aggressive and
strategic land redistribution policy, the growing controversy over land
could shape up to be even more powerful than the TIPNIS conflict.


------------------------------



*Emily Achtenberg is an urban planner and the author of NACLA’s weekly blog
*Rebel Currents*, covering Latin American social movements and progressive
governments (nacla.org/blog/rebel-currents).*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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