[Published in Prensa Obrera by Partido Obrero (Argentina) | April 11,
2013 |
http://po.org.ar/po1263/2013/04/11/mariano-la-lucha-por-justicia-no-term\
ina/] On April 19, the verdict
  On April 19, the court hearing the trial for the murder of our comrade
Mariano Ferreyra will reach a verdict. The proximity of the date has
sparked strong political pressures to bear on the outcome of the
verdict. Jorge Asís, concerned about the fate that may befall his
associate, the former governor of Neuquén Jorge Sobisch, responsible
for the murder of teacher and activist Carlos Fuentealba, has just
called out to the union bureaucracy from his blog, calling on them to
join forces to prevent a decisive conviction against [Railway Union
leader] Pedraza and his gang. The rightwing scribe forgot the admiration
lavished on the members of our party in the fight against the
dictatorship in his novel on [the newspaper] Clarín, to take up a
stance against what he now qualifies as the "aggressive left", following
a line whose ultimate goal is amnesty for the last military
dictatorship.

  The Crime and the State
Public knowledge of the audio of conversations between [Minister of
Labour, Employment and Social Security] Carlos Tomada and Pedraza,
requested by a suit we brought before the Court some time ago, reveals
close political ties between a major government ministry (no less than
that created by Peron) and the union bureaucracy, and consequently has
become an additional pressure brought to bear on the government. A life
sentence for Pedraza and his gang would unleash an unquestionable crisis
among all the union gangs and football club hooligans banked by top
political leaders, especially the PJ [Justicialist Party, i.e.
non-Kirchnerist Peronists] and the FPV [Kirchnerist Front for Victory].
After the establishment of association between the former Secretary and
former Under-Secretary of Transportation --Schiavi and Luna,
respectively-- with corruption rife in the railways, and the
responsibility of both in the massacre of the Once station train crash,
the political responsibility of the government in relation to the murder
of our comrade --determined by those interests-- is irrefutable. [See
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2104929/Argentina-train-crash-Bu\
enos-Aires-kills-49-brakes-fail.html - see also background in Spanish
http://po.org.ar/blog/2012/03/01/de-tecnopolis-a-la-tragedia-de-once/
and http://po.org.ar/blog/2012/03/01/plaza-once-estacion-terminal/] This
is a statement of some magnitude, coming at a time when the government
is calling for a 'judicial reform' placing the Judiciary in tune
politically with the Executive branch of government.

  The verdict will be announced one month after the so-called 'incidents'
of March 24, which turned the President from plaintiff to defendant when
the presence of hooligans egged on by [Secretary of Domestic Trade]
Guillermo Moreno was revealed. [See
http://po.org.ar/blog/2013/03/31/la-provocacion-del-24-de-marzo-partio-d\
el-gabinete-nacional/ ] After a pilgrimage to the Vatican and with the
discovery that the incoming Pope was nothing less than a Peronist, the
McCarthyite barrage made by CFK [President Cristina Fernandez Kirchner]
against the left and the red flags revealed a side of the government in
violent contradiction with progressivism. It is true that Bergoglio
transfered from the subway to the bus in order to get to the Bajo Flores
neighborhood, but the deep links between the Social Pastoral and he
himself with the trade union bureaucracy are equally significant. It is
impossible not to notice this conjunction of McCarthyism and clericalism
on the eve of the verdict.

The murder of our comrade cannot be analyzed in any other way, because
it is a political crime against the working class and youth in struggle.

  The lawsuit accuses
In the course of the 75 hearings held over eight months of trial, our
lawyers passed before the court, one after the other, with overwhelming
evidence gathered against José Pedraza, his gang and the police
charged with the murder of Mariano, and clearly demonstrated all the
connections between this crime and the political, trade union and bosses
power involved in the administration of the railways. [For a short
background statement on the event in English see
http://crciweb.org/en/node/431] In short, they gave expression in the
courtroom to the social truth expressed in the streets by the hundreds
of thousands of workers and youth, artists, journalists and
intellectuals. The crime of Mariano sheds new light on problems that
workers face daily: job insecurity, the union bureaucracy, the
integration of the latter with the bosses and the state, and the
irreversible decay of the repressive apparatus. "A political crime
against the working class" cried out the front page of Prensa Obrera
only hours after the murder of Mariano. The evidence gathered during the
investigation did nothing more than to give legal form to that political
characterization.

  The life sentence we demanded in our plea for all the accused extended
far beyond the limits of this trial and we demand the investigation of
criminal responsibility of [Transport Secretary] Juan Pablo Schiavi,
[former National Railway Transport Under-Secretary] Antonio Luna and
[former Interior Minister for President Néstor Kirchner, former
Minister of Justice for President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner]
Anibal Fernandez, as well as the entrepreneurs of Ugofe [Unidad de
Gestión Operativa Ferroviaria de Emergencia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unidad_de_Gesti%C3%B3n_Operativa_Ferroviari\
a_de_Emergencia]. Government officials and businessmen were notably
absent [as defendants] in this trial.

  The complaints stated that the attack against the outsourced workers
responded to "a criminal plan" that involved the entire UF [Railway
Union] bureaucracy and the police. Based on that, life sentences were
requested for all. The prosecution also called for life sentences, but
only for Pedraza, Fernandez (his second-in-command) and [Pedraza
right-hand-man] Pablo Diaz, while reserving for the police convictions
for abandonment of persons. For the prosecution, there was no such
"criminal plan". This divergence in characterization could lead the
court to dismiss the life sentence in prison for the trio targeted by
the prosecutors. In any case, the police, the state institution of
repression, remains outside the scope of the murder trial.

  Defense lawyers are calling for acquittal of the defendants. The
unsustainable "murder as part of a fight between two parties" was
refuted by the defense of police personnel, who sought to justify their
conduct permissive to violent aggression; or by defense lawyers for
Favale, attempting to exonerate him by attributing the allegations
against him to his not being a railwayman. This anticipates an appeal
upon any adverse ruling. The final judgment is conditional, in this
case, on the future development of Argentine politics --including the
political crisis that has opened up over the judiciary power.

  The Public Prosecutor
The crime against Mariano was instigated by Pedraza, organized by his
right hand man Juan Carlos Fernandez, and executed by Pablo Diaz,
Favale, Sanchez and the rest of the gang, with live support from the
Federal Police headed at that time by Aníbal Fernández. They acted
with the complicity of Ugofe entrepreneurs and officials of the Ministry
of Transportation, and were later supported by the Ministry of Labour
and Security; the latter at times supported police personnel involved.
All were participants in the criminal plan aimed at teaching a lesson to
the outsourced railway workers, whose struggle was checkmating big
business deals and even the union bureaucracy monopoly over the
railroad.

  An official government interest in safeguarding Pedraza's impunity is
clear. This was made manifest early on, with the attempt led by
[Minister of Security] Nilda Garre to prosecute Mariano's fellow railway
worker comrades. The 'solidarity' phone calls made by Carlos Tomada and
Naomi Rial to Pedraza, and the invitations the latter continued to
receive to participate in official events, months after the murder of
Mariano, reveal that he continued to receive political support [from the
government]. The government kept Schavi and Luna in their posts until
their prosecution for the massacre of the Once train station was
imminent. The government extended the concessions to their TBA partners
within Ugofe (Roggio and Romero) when they fell from grace with the
Cirigliano brothers. Currently, Metrovías and Ferrovias railways
monopolize metropolitan rail and are keeping their game up at the
expense of the public budget (last year, they received subsidies in
excess of 12 billion pesos).

  A painstaking job of protecting the police chiefs involved was carried
out by the political powers that be. First, they concealed their
involvement from the start, through Aníbal Fernández. Second, they
provided them with legal support from the newly created Ministry of
Security headed up by Garre. Third, the prosecution charged them only
with "abandonment of persons." Lawyers defending police personnel noted
the permanent "ministerial and institutional" endorsement of their
actions. This complicity was deliberately concealed by the prosecution;
the CELS (Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales - Center for Legal and
Social Studies) accused the police of being co-perpetrators, but left
their political bosses, Aníbal Fernández and Garre, free of any
responsibility. The case for the prosecution did not even mention the
outsourcing on the railroad, the public funds misuse involving Pedraza,
businessmen and Transport officials; it also requested the acquittal of
two thugs and a policeman and requested lesser and staggered penalties
for the rest of those in uniform, thus weakening the case against
Pedraza. The prosecution, remember, was shuffled by Attorney Gils
Carbó, with the appointment of two 'political commissars' shortly
after the trial started. The prosecution's case attempted to scrap the
thesis put forward by our case, taken up by the Appeals Chamber,
concerning a 'criminal plan' to 'teach the outsourced workers a lesson'.

  Now, the verdict
We have arrived at this instance as a result of keeping up immense
popular pressure. All the popular organizations contributed to the
mobilization and to the attendance of compelling witnesses. Despite the
ban on televising the trial, we kept it in the news through the
attendance of delegations at the trial and kept up huge levels of
pressure through participation in the social networks.

  Whatever the outcome imposed at this stage by Criminal Court 21, the
struggle continues. The trade union bureaucracy is not going to give way
even with the outcome of life sentences. For our part, we will go after
the political and economic responsable parties that were left out of the
judicial process --for example the concessionaire companies, Aníbal
Fernández, and the Secretary of Transportation. The topic of this
crime will be linked to the political crisis as it continues to unfold
with constantly higher visibility throughout the country. It is on the
agenda of all forces mustered by the bosses seeking changes in
government and in the economic system. The so-called 'Federal Peronism'
has an amnesty bill tucked away in its folder. "The independence of the
judiciary" is a deception: it has, above all, the task of defending the
inviolability of the State, even against constitutional provisions.
Which is why it swore obedience to all the victorious military coups.

  During the trial, our party developed the thesis that the discussion
should serve to clarify the social character of the murder of our
comrade Mariano: the ties between capitalism, the trade union
bureaucracy, the State and its repressive institutions. Our demands
--life sentences-- are aimed at developing that social truth in the
political practice of the popular masses themselves. The revolution is
nothing but a trial undertaken by the exploited against the exploiters
on the stage of history.
Jacyn





[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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