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The United Nations and human rights organisations have called again for
evacuation of civilians trapped in the besieged town of Qusayr, near the
Lebanese border.

Regime forces have tried for more than two weeks to take over the town,
seen as a strategic gateway to Homs, Syria's third-largest city.

An estimated 40,000 people were believed to have lived in Qusayr before
last month's assault, although thousands may have now left.

UN emergency relief coordinator Valerie Amos and High Commissioner for
Human Rights Navi Pillay said, "We
understand<http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2013/06/20136193221742616.html>
there
may also be as many as 1,500 wounded people in urgent need of immediate
evacuation for emergency medical treatment, and that the general situation
in Qusayr is desperate."

Pillay's spokesman Rupert Coville added, "There should be a ceasefire at
least and they let the civilians and the wounded get out and also let some
aid in as well. Civilians who stay behind will need food and water.
International law does require fighting forces to allow aid to civilians in
this sort of situation." From Enduring America









Hezbollah slips in QusayrThe Party of God's elite forces are increasingly
struggling against the FSA
[image: battle of qusayr]

It’s been five days since Hezbollah and Assad regime forces launched their
joint offensive on the town of al-Qusayr in the Homs countryside. Hezbollah
and regime media were quick to claim major advances, confidently predicting
that the town would fall swiftly. These pronouncements have proven
premature.



The attack on al-Qusayr has been long in the making. Assad’s forces,
limited in manpower, are now acting more in concert with irregular
sectarian militias trained by Iran. But the string of tactical gains in the
Homs countryside, starting in April and leading to the current battle in
al-Qusayr, is tied directly to Hezbollah’s lead role in spearheading ground
operations.



As it became 
clear<https://now.mmedia.me/lb/en/reportsfeatures/qusayr-resisting-all-out-attack>
that
the Syrian opposition was putting up fierce resistance, Hezbollah began
adjusting its story about the battle for al-Qusayr. The group was now making
it known <http://www.alraimedia.com/Article.aspx?id=437729&date=22052013> that
it was sending in reinforcements from its elite units, and that the
fighting might 
last<http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/syria-qusayr-battle-far-over>
at
least another week. More troublesome for Hezbollah, however, was the news
about the severe losses its units were sustaining, with casualty numbers
ranging from 30 to 40 dead after the first day of fighting alone. By
Tuesday, Syrian activists in al-Qusayr were
claiming<http://www.alraimedia.com/Article.aspx?id=437729&date=22052013>
another
25 dead Hezbollah fighters. This, of course, is not counting those who had
been killed prior to the latest assault, going back to last year. The
number and make-up of the casualties raise some interesting questions about
Hezbollah’s fighting force post-2006.



It is generally estimated that Hezbollah lost 500-600 soldiers during the
July 2006 war with Israel. Not only was that a high percentage of its
regular fighting force — thought to be anywhere around 2,000 men at the
time — but also, it represented a loss of operational memory, as many of
those fighters had gained combat experience against Israel and its proxy
(the South Lebanon Army) in southern Lebanon. Some observers at the time
maintained<http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/hizballah-at-war-a-military-assessment>
that
many of Hezbollah’s best fighters “never saw action” in 2006, as local
village fighters, and not Hezbollah “regulars,” handled much of the
defense. But this was mainly party propaganda attempting to put a brave
face on what was by any measure a major blow to the resistance.



It’s been reported since that, after the war ended, Hezbollah embarked on a
major recruitment effort, and sent new recruits to Iran for training in
order to rebuild its elite units. These new members, however, have not seen
actual combat. Judging from the death notices of Hezbollah fighters in
al-Qusayr and Damascus, many of them seem to be in their early to mid-20s.
In other words, these are fighters unlikely to have participated in the
fighting in 2006, and who are part of the post-2006 recruitment drive.



Accompanying these untested fighters are older experienced fighters and
unit commanders, several of whom have been killed as well, as obvious from
the various posters of the fallen released by the group. Last year, for
example, one such senior military commander, Ali Nassif (Abu Abbas), was
killed near al-Qusayr.



Shimon Shapira, an authority on Hezbollah and a retired Brigadier General
now at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, thinks that there are
several hundred Hezbollah fighters in Syria, “most of them from the elite
units.” This description fits with what some local sources in Dahiyeh have
told<https://now.mmedia.me/lb/ar/nowspecialar/%D8%AD%D8%B2%D8%A8-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%84%D9%87-%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%84-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%AD%D9%85%D8%B5-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%A6%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%81%D8%B6%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B0%D9%87%D8%A7%D8%A8-%D9%85%D8%AC%D8%AF%D8%AF%D8%A7>
NOW
Arabic about the Hezbollah soldiers in Syria. However, these sources
applied that description to the young fighters who are trained but not
battle tested. Shapira explains that these younger soldiers “are well
trained, some of them in Iran, and are considered elite in Hezbollah
standards” – the operative words here being “Hezbollah standards.” In other
words, as noted earlier in reference to the 2006 war, while there has been
a tendency, carefully nurtured by Hezbollah, to mythologize the outfit's
elite fighters, their capabilities should be kept in perspective.



What, then, does it mean that Hezbollah is now sending “elite” units to
reinforce its fighters in al-Qusayr? Does it mean more of the same younger,
untested fighters? Or does it mean sending even more of the experienced, if
older, soldiers? Each option exposes a different set of vulnerabilities. A
high casualty rate of newly trained “elite” fighters, recruited to replace
those killed in 2006, means a waste of precious time and resources. The
loss of even more battle-hardened soldiers, on top of the 500-600 from
2006, means further loss of operational memory and combat experience in the
party’s fighting corps.



If the casualty rate stays this high even for another week, it could prove
devastating. For instance, according to a party official who spoke
to<http://www.alraimedia.com/Article.aspx?id=437729&date=22052013> the
Kuwaiti *al-Rai*, many of those killed on the first day in al-Qusayr were
cut down by landmines and IED’s prepared by the Syrian rebels. A Lebanese
source who follows the group closely says that a company of 200 Hezbollah
fighters attempted the initial assault but ran into the hidden explosive
devices, resulting in the high death toll. The source reveals that the
Syrians received assistance from certain Palestinian factions in planning
the defense of the town.



Already, prior to the latest onslaught on al-Qusayr, Hezbollah’s former
secretary general, Subhi Tofeyli, stated that the group had lost 138
members in Syria. Shapira believes that “from the hundreds” they have
deployed, “they have lost over 200. Some are commanders, over 30-35 years
of age.” As many as 65 – ten percent of the total lost in the 2006 war –
were killed in just two days of fighting.



There's another key issue to consider: Even if in the end Hezbollah manages
to take the town, it remains unclear who would hold it. Indeed, this has
been a problem for the Assad regime throughout the two-year conflict: Assad
forces can capture ground from the rebels but they don’t have enough
manpower to hold it. The likelihood, then, of a renewed Hezbollah
engagement in al-Qusayr further down the road is likely – provided the
rebels continue to receive steady shipments of ammunition and are able to
secure supply lines.



The severity of this overall picture explains why Hezbollah’s chief Hassan
Nasrallah had to travel to Tehran and meet with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei
and Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani. There, he was
reportedly<http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-and-world/syria/2013/05/16/%D8%AE%D8%A7%D9%85%D9%86%D8%A6%D9%8A-%D9%8A%D8%B7%D9%84%D8%A8-%D9%85%D9%86-%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%84%D9%87-%D9%88%D8%B6%D8%B9-%D8%AB%D9%82%D9%84%D9%87-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B3%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A7.html>
told
to go all in, regardless of the cost. It was Iran's call. After all, not
only were these fighters trained in Iran, but also they were prepared in
order to serve in the next ground war with Israel. In fact, over the last
three years, Hezbollah has been putting out leaks in the media about its
intention to have its commando infantry units go on the offensive and take
the fight to northern Israel in any future conflict.



By publicly taking the lead in the assault operations in Syria, Hezbollah
was to show its military capability to decisively and swiftly win battles –
first in al-Qusayr, then on other fronts in the country. The problem for
Iran, however, is that, regardless what happens next in al-Qusayr, the
performance of Hezbollah’s elite forces is signaling the opposite of the
message Iran sought to communicate.



As more of the group’s elite units are called up from Lebanon to reinforce
their comrades in Syria, Iran has to be concerned about more than just
seeing its strategic weapons caches blown up by Israel. It also has to be
worried about how Hezbollah’s vulnerabilities are being exposed not by the
IDF, but by Syrian rebels that the Party of God was supposed to dispatch
easily. If the Iranians have overestimated Hezbollah’s capabilities against
an adversary like the Free Syrian Army, one wonders what else about their
power they’ve misjudged.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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