Downfall of Morsi represents defeat of imperial powers’ ‘Plan B’Dan
Glazebrook2013-07-10, Issue 638 <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/638>
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88194<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88194>[image:
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*cc N B* <https://picasaweb.google.com/100728930732456242897>The popular
rebellion against President Morsi shows that Egyptians will no longer back
leaders who leave economic policy in the hands of Europe and the
international banking elite, security in the hands of a savage and
torturing police force, and foreign policy in the hands of the US, Britain
and Israel

The revolutionary momentum currently making waves in Egypt once again is
not primarily a revolt against one man or even one state, but an uprising
against conditions which are fast becoming universal features of the
current crisis-ridden world economic order: permanent mass unemployment,
rampant inflation in the price of basic goods (food and fuel in particular)
and merciless attacks on welfare for the poor. Egyptians are through with
governments that are prepared to impose such conditions and sacrifice all
notions of sovereignty and social justice whilst feathering their own
nests<http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2343903/500m-EU-taxpayers-money-donated-Egypt-fight-corruption-vanished-says-shocking-auditors-report.html>
in
the process.

President Morsi oversaw a year in office in which food prices doubled, and–
at the behest of the IMF - committed himself to ending the fuel subsidies
on which millions of the poorest Egyptians depend. He signed up to a Free
Trade Agreement with the EU that will exacerbate unemployment and rural
impoverishment and showed his commitment to imperial interests by flooding
the Gaza tunnels with
sewage<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/21/world/middleeast/egypts-floods-smuggling-tunnels-to-gaza-with-sewage.html?_r=2&;>
 andcalling for a ‘no-fly
zone’<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/15/egypt-mohamed-morsi-cuts-ties-with-syria>
(code
for NATO bombardment) in Syria. In so doing, he attempted to ensure that
the Mubarak strategy of subservience to American, British and Israeli
interests was not only maintained, but deepened – at the cost of basic
living standards and at a time when the neo-colonial world order is clearly
breaking down under the double hammer blows of economic crisis and third
world resurgence. This is not a strategy which most Egyptians are any
longer willing to tolerate. The millions-strong mobilisations of the past
week have shown that they will no longer back leaders who leave economic
policy in the hands of Europe and the international banking elite, security
in the hands of a savage and torturing police force, and foreign policy in
the hands of the US, Britain and Israel.

The revolutionary upsurge that has just forced Morsi from power, however,
did not emerge last week, last year or even in January 2011. It began in
2007 when the biggest strike wave to have hit the African continent for 50
years broke out in the Misr spinning and complex in Mahalla, quickly
spreading to most other major industries in the country. This coincided
with an unprecedented wave of agrarian unrest against neoliberal policies
which were – and still are – devastating the rural population who still
constitute the majority of Egyptian society. So taken aback were the
Egyptian authorities, that they were forced to put the brakes on the
‘economic reforms’ – code for the decimation of national control and
regulation - being pushed by the IMF and the EU, in an attempt to quell the
emerging unrest. It did not work, and the growing movement demonstrated its
strength by putting 15million onto the streets in January 2011, forcing
Mubarak’s removal. The military council that replaced him backtracked on
neoliberal diktat even more, reversing some of the liberalisation measures
that had been implemented previously, much to the fury of the
EU<http://ec.europa.eu/world/enp/docs/2012_enp_pack/progress_report_egypt_en.pdf>
.

President Morsi was supposed to put a lid on this unrest. By adding a
veneer of Islamism to the same neo-colonial policies of his predecessor, he
was supposed to succeed where others had failed, tapping into the cultural
traditions of Egyptian society in order to win ‘legitimacy’ (his favourite
word, used 56 times <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23161987> in
his last speech) for fundamentally unpopular policies. It didn’t work. The
events of this week mark the defeat of neocolonialism’s ‘Plan B’ for Egypt.

What plan C will look like is not yet clear. The problem for the Egyptian
army council is that to win genuine legitimacy, any future Egyptian
government will have to end its collaboration with the blockade of Gaza,
stop privileging extortionate interest
payments<http://bankwatch.org/ru/node/8754> to
international bankers on Mubarak-era loans over social spending, and reject
the IMF loan conditionalities and EU trade
deals<http://www.ecdpm.org/Web_ECDPM/Web/Content/Navigation.nsf/index2?readform&http://www.ecdpm.org/Web_ECDPM/Web/Content/Content.nsf/0/d9d7698eb7f2dc45c12579d100273176?OpenDocument>
that
threaten to plunge millions into ever deeper poverty. Indeed, it is
precisely these types of demands that were at the forefront of the Tamarod
campaign of opposition to Morsi, whose petition garnered a reported 22
million signatures. These moves would be the minimum necessary to win the
support of the people, but are precisely what would make the Egyptian
government illegitimate in the eyes of its international backers in London
and Washington.

The dividing lines, then, are clear. Much as the imperial powers would love
to see Egypt implode into a sectarian disaster along the lines pioneered in
Iraq and now being spread to Libya and Syria, the dividing line is NOT
between Sunni and Shia, or between Islamist and secularist. It is between
those who support genuine independence (the prerequisite for any meaningful
moves towards social justice or democracy), and those who support continued
collaboration with the imperial project to plunder and cripple the region.

Long live the Egyptian revolution!

* BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS


On the situation in Egypt: an insider’s viewpointHelmi Sharawy2013-07-10,
Issue 638 <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/638>
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88190<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88190>

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*cc A M* <https://picasaweb.google.com/104120879872255160007>In essence,
what we had witnessed on 30 June 2013 in Egypt was the ordinary people’s
revolution against the Islamists governance that had dismantled their lives
for the interests of the West

Dear Friends,

These words are part of discussions with friends in some African
institutions and abroad relevant to the Western capitalist media’s
categorization of Egyptian popular movement as a military coup. I am
writing this letter after having returned very tired from Tahrir Square in
support of the change. I wrote to my friends:

I am still surprised that you are following the news from Obama and
conservative sources on the western side who were and are still interested
in supporting Islamist groups in Egypt. We know that the USA has used
Islamists in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria as well as for their strategy in
the Middle East to protect Israel and oil fields. There was no economic
development since Morsi came to power. Moreover, poverty was exacerbated
because Islamists were preparing to accept the economic reforms dictated by
the IMF.

CRISES MOUNT

These crises and others political issues had mobilized more than 20 million
people to sign a petition to delegitimize the government of President
Morsi. The organizing group of the campaign is called Tamarod (Rebel). They
were able to mobilize people mostly throughout the month of June, and on 30
June at Tahrir and other squares and streets of the cities of Egypt, they
were able to repeat the Revolution and recalled the memory of 25 January
2011, the beginning of the Revolution; here again they said a big NO to
Islamists.
After the meetings between the Tamarod Group and political and civil
society organizations, all united to call for the end of Morsi’s
legitimacy. The supreme Military Command of Egypt sent a short notice after
the mass protests of 30 June. I repeat, it was after 30 June that the
supreme military command announced that it will defend the people’s demands
because the President has failed to listen. (This must be admitted, it is
gracious and legal for any national military to ask the president to listen
to the people!)

THE RISE OF POLITICAL ALLIANCE

The decisive announcement was declared on 4 July in a meeting attended by
representatives of the political alliance headed by Dr. Baradei, Al-Azhar
University, the Pope of the Egyptian Coptic community, Tamarod activists,
women representatives, an Islamist party representative from Al Nour and
top military officers. In this context, can someone claim this to be a
planned military coup? All attendees agreed to form a democratic government
admitting that the current regime has failed the aspirations and
inspiration of the January 2011 Revolution; they all committed to
establishing a Constitution, interim presidency, and prepare for free and
fair elections.
We should not forget that global capitalism and the US need the Islamists
in the Middle East, and certainly the Western media is working well to
serve this purpose!

MILITARY INTERVENTION DID NOT SERVE THE WEST

We can’t forget African peoples in Mali, Ghana, Tanzania, and etc. in their
democratic transitions of 1991/1992: there were popular movements,
problematic changes and sometimes even appeals to the national military to
serve as a buffer-zone. And we called those processes an acceptable
democratization model. We should not also forget that the western global
machines can do many things to dismantle the original agenda of these
liberation movements of the masses in Africa (Mali, Benin, and Madagascar
as examples). The West, as we have witnessed before, does use IMF loans,
World Bank programs etc. for its purposes and does not often denounce
military intervention in developing countries if they are serving Western
interest. Alas, in Egypt, the military intervention did not serve these
Western interests.

Scholarly thought in Africa or anywhere else should not continue to
consider only the western means of political change to be legitimate or
accepted. Should we always accept changes through so called ‘Youth Spring,’
‘Youth movement’ ‘Green movement’ and ‘Colored revolutions’ as the only
legitimate mechanism for political change?

In essence, what we had witnessed on 30 June 2013 in Egypt was the ordinary
people’s revolution against the Islamists governance that had dismantled
their lives for the interests of the West: there were the poorest of the
people who suffered under the Islamists rule, and before them they suffered
under the military supreme council rule that followed the Mubarak regime.
Both regimes ignored any developmental social programs for the poor. The
masses of 30 June were led by the marginalized youth of the 25 January 2011
uprising. The problem facing the democratic forces now is not a military
coup; it is weak organization and the challenge of putting strong socio-
economic programs that support and uplift the poor.

*Helmi Sharawy is the former Director of Arab and African Research Center
in Cairo; he is an author and executive member of CODESRIA, the Council for
the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.
An important victory of the Egyptian peopleSamir Amin2013-07-10, Issue
638<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/638>
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88189<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/88189>

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*cc A C* <https://picasaweb.google.com/116692976180632212946>Sixteen
million Egyptians demonstrated against the government of President Morsi
that led to his downfall. Western powers, Israel and the Gulf countries
hate the perspective of a democratic, socially progressive, independent
Egypt

Yes, the fall of Morsi and of the rule of the Moslem Brothers is an
important victory of the Egyptian people. It was expected by all Egyptians.
Twenty five million citizens had signed a petition requiring the departure
of Morsi, elected only thanks to a massive fraud; whose legitimacy was not
recognized by the Egyptian judiciary body, but who was imposed by the
decision of Washington. The body of ‘international observers of elections’
had indeed failed to see the fraud!

The government of the Moslem Brothers was pursuing the same reactionary
policy as that of Mubarak, and even in a more destructive way for the
majority of popular classes. It made clear that it did not intend to
respect the rules of democracy; it mobilized criminal gangs paid to harass
the popular movements, continuously waving the flag of a ‘civil war.’ Morsi
acted as a brutal dictator, setting in all positions in the State of
exclusively devoted Moslem Brothers. The combination of a disastrous
economic and social policy and of the disrespect for normal management of
the State led to an accelerated decline of earlier illusions of a good part
of the society; the Moslem Brotherhood showed their real face. Yet the
western powers continued to support the ‘elected President,’ claiming that
the regime was progressing toward democracy. Probably just as the
Democratic Republic of Qatar is!

What happened on 30 June was expected. Mass demonstrations, larger even
than those of January 2011: 16 million people on the streets, as recorded
by the Police. Morsi responded by moving again the flag of the ‘civil war.’
But he was unable to mobilise more than a few hundred thousands of paid
supporters.
Western powers, Israel and the Gulf countries hate the perspective of a
democratic, socially progressive, independent Egypt. They will manipulate
criminal mercenaries, so called Jihadists, established with their
complicity and support in Libya and in the Egyptian province of Sinai. The
Egyptian nation and its army can defeat them.

*Samir Amin


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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