https://nacla.org/blog/2013/8/27/bolivia-criminal-charges-against-indigenous-leaders-revelations-police-infiltration-r

Bolivia: Criminal Charges Against Indigenous Leaders, Revelations of Police
Infiltration Reignite TIPNIS Conflict
Emily Achtenberg <https://nacla.org/nacla-bloggers#Emily>
Rebel Currents <https://nacla.org/node/7334>
August 27, 2013
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On August 6, the 188th anniversary of Bolivian independence, a traditional
day of festive celebration was transformed into an *act of
protest*<http://www.eldeber.com.bo/nota.php?id=130806190431> by
indigenous groups in the Amazonian department of Beni, who demonstrated in
the capital city of Trinidad with hands tied behind their backs and mouths
covered with masking tape.

[image: 1958]Indigenous protest in Trinidad, Aug. 6. Credit: El Dia.The
episode reflects renewed tensions over President Evo Morales’s proposed
construction of a highway through the TIPNIS indigenous territory and
national park, as indigenous leaders face serious criminal charges over a
recent community altercation.  Adding fuel to the fire, the government has
recently aroused indignation by confirming that undercover police agents
infiltrated the landmark 2011 anti-highway mobilization.

Anti-highway leaders Adolfo Chávez, Fernando Vargas, and Pedro Nuni are
currently facing judicial orders of detention for alleged criminal acts,
including attempted homicide and femicide. The accusations stem from an *
incident* <http://www.bolpress.com/art.php?Cod=2013062201> last June 22 in
the TIPNIS community of San Pablo de Isiboro, when Gumercindo Pradel, an
indigenous leader who supports the road, was subject to a public community
whiplashing.

Pradel, president of the indigenous authority CONISUR, represents
government-allied factions in the southern portion of the park, mostly
outside the collective land title, who are bitterly at odds with groups
opposed to the road. The conflict between pro- and anti-highway sectors
within the TIPNIS has intensified since the government’s controversial
*consultation
process*<https://nacla.org/blog/2012/12/13/bolivia-end-road-tipnis-consulta>
last
year, which failed to reach consensus.  Several other CONISUR supporters
were injured in the course of the confrontation, including a pregnant woman
who subsequently aborted, providing the basis for the *femicide
*<http://www.lostiempos.com/diario/actualidad/nacional/20130711/caso-pradel-causa-conflicto-jurisdiccional_220203_474568.html>
charge.

Pradel was allegedly in the process of convening an *illegitimate
assembly*<http://www.eldiario.net/noticias/2013/2013_06/nt130619/politica.php?n=94&-definiran-nuevas-dirigencias-dentro-el-tipnis>
in
the TIPNIS, with the intention of ousting Vargas and other directors who
participated in the anti-highway marches of 2011 and 2012.  Similar tactics
have recently been used to divide the lowlands indigenous federation CIDOB,
the Secure Subcentral indigenous authority within the TIPNIS, and other
groups that are resisting the highway.[image: 1959]Community confronts
Pradel (center). Credit: Samy Schwartz

The decision to punish Pradel, Vargas argues, was made democratically by
consensus of the community assembly, in accordance with principles of
traditional *community
justice*<http://www.la-razon.com/nacional/Agresion-Pradel-Justicia-Ordinaria-Comunitaria_0_1868213213.html>
that
are recognized by the Bolivian Constitution.  In addition to receiving his
public punishment, Pradel was forced to sign a statement—which he later
revoked—renouncing any further involvement in the affairs of the indigenous
territory and his advocacy of the TIPNIS highway.

The three leaders have refused to appear in court, considering their case
to be outside the jurisdiction of the ordinary justice system.  Nuni and
Chávez have denied being physically present at the incident in San Pablo,
although they are accused of being the “intellectual authors” of the
alleged crimes.

Supporters of the TIPNIS leaders defend their right to resist what they
regard as a criminalization of protest.  Ex-human rights ombudsman *Waldo
Albarracín*<http://www.la-razon.com/nacional/Agresion-Pradel-Justicia-Ordinaria-Comunitaria_0_1868213213.html>
argues
that the practice of community justice to resolve internal disputes is
consistent with tradition inside the TIPNIS.  In 2009, he notes, Marcial
Fabricano, ex-leader of CIDOB, was whiplashed by the community for
allegedly betraying the collective trust, with no subsequent intervention
by the courts or the government.

[image: 1960]Adolfo Chávez, Pedro Nuni, Fernando Vargas. Credit: SomosSur.Since
July 10, the 3 leaders have taken refuge at the headquarters of the TIPNIS
Subcentral in Trinidad, protected by a round-the-clock vigil of indigenous
supporters. Evidencing the new political alignment in Bolivia’s eastern
lowlands, on July 23 a *civic
strike*<http://www.la-razon.com/nacional/Terminales-terrestre-operaciones-Trinidad-indigenas_0_1874812562.html>
was
convoked in solidarity by the Beni Civic Committee and local unions, with
support from the current and former opposition governors of Beni and the
Santa Cruz Civic Committee.  Historically, these opposition groups were
allied with the conservative, pro-autonomy—and anti-indigenous—forces that
rebelled against Morales in 2008.

The strike effectively shut down business in Trinidad for the day. The Beni
Civic Committee has declared the defense of the TIPNIS to be its
current *regional
priority<http://www.eldeber.com.bo/los-civicos-de-beni-declaran-el-tipnis-prioridad-regional/130724225830>
.*

Supporters of the TIPNIS leaders have *contrasted* the unprecedented
swiftness of the justice system in bringing charges in this case with the
snail’s pace of the investigation into the *police
repression*<https://nacla.org/blog/2011/9/28/police-attack-tipnis-marchers-roils-bolivia>
of
indigenous TIPNIS marchers at Chaparina nearly 2 years ago, for which no
one has yet been formally charged or held accountable.

Meanwhile, government officials have identified an undercover female police
agent who infiltrated the march and was present during the alleged *
“kidnapping”*<https://nacla.org/blog/2011/9/28/police-attack-tipnis-marchers-roils-bolivia>
of
foreign minister David Choquehuanca the day before the Chaparina incident.
The agent subsequently received a commendation for her efforts.  Based on
video evidence, TIPNIS leaders charge that she acted as a
*provocateur*,<http://www.la-razon.com/nacional/seguridad_nacional/activistas-infiltrada-incito-agresion-Canciller_0_1867613252.html>
inciting
the aggression against Choquehuanca that precipitated the police
repression.  The government denies these allegations,
while*confirming*
<http://www.eldeber.com.bo/el-gobierno-confirma-que-agentes-vigilaron-la-marcha/130718232345>that
undercover agents were widely utilized during the TIPNIS marches and other
recent mobilizations as a “preventive” measure.  The case is under
investigation.[image: 1961]Police infiltrator and alleged provocateur
(right). Credit: Eduardo Schwartzberg, La Razón.

The embattled TIPNIS leaders are now seeking a ruling from the
Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal, Bolivia’s highest court, to
determine the applicability of community vs. ordinary justice to the
charges pending against them.  Their efforts are supported by UN Human
Rights representative *Dennis
Racicot*<http://www.elpaisonline.com/index.php/2013-01-15-14-16-26/nacional/item/98748-onu-pide-analizar-y-definir-el-proceso-a-tres-indigenas>,
who has criticized the actions taken against Pradel from a human rights
perspective, while arguing that the respective jurisdictions of the two
justice systems established by the Constitution must be clarified.

Officially, the Morales government has sought to distance itself from what
it characterizes as an unfortunate inter-community conflict.  “While others
are fighting in the dirt down in Trinidad,” Vice President Alvaro García
Linera recently *lamented*
<http://www.la-razon.com/nacional/Vicepresidente-conflicto-indigenas-espera-supere_0_1876612401.html>at
a ceremony delivering public works to communities in the TIPNIS, “we are
building a new school for children.”

But critics hold the government squarely responsible for failing to
resolve, if not exacerbating, the TIPNIS conflict.  As ex-deputy *Guillermo
Richter*<http://www.eldiario.net/noticias/2013/2013_07/nt130729/politica.php?n=38&-richter-cree-que-conflicto-en-tipnis-se-intensificara-mas-ante-falta->
recently
noted, “To not have carried out the *consulta* at the proper moment,
unfortunately, has brought us to this situation of permanent conflict.
 (The government) has not responded or offered an alternative solution,
which can’t be other than dialogue.”

Still, the government’s much-criticized handling of the *consulta*,
including its practice of distributing benefits to TIPNIS communities while
soliciting their unbiased views on the proposed highway, has had some
ironic consequences.  As TIPNIS leaders have noted, the outboard motors and
telecommunications systems delivered to many communities were critical in
getting their representatives to San Pablo last June to resist Pradel’s
attempted takeover.   “The motors that they gave us,” says *Fernando
Vargas*<http://www.cidob-bo.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2187:motores-entregados-sirven-para-defender-el-tipnis&catid=82:noticias&Itemid=2>,
“are helping to us mobilize the struggle in defense of our territory.”


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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