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September 4, 
2013<http://syriafreedomforever.wordpress.com/2013/09/04/the-syrian-revolution-and-foreign-interventions/>
The Syrian Revolution and foreign interventions

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Image]<http://syriafreedomforever.files.wordpress.com/2013/09/1185270_394365137353145_1041621419_n.jpg>

Syrian Revolutionary Youth in Homs in a demonstration on September 3 2013:

“Obama’s and others’ statements do not matter to us. We started our
revolution, and we will be the ones to finish it. Our unity is stronger
than any foreign strike.”
‘The West’s war will weaken Syria’s revolution’

article first published in http://socialistworker.co.uk/art/34270/
‘The+West’s+war+will+weaken+Syrias+revolution’

*Western intervention will either strengthen Assad’s grip or destroy the
gains of the Syrian revolt, says Lebanese socialist Bassem Chit*
Since news broke of a possible US strike on Syria the overwhelming mood in
the region has been an escalation of fear. Thousands of Syrians fled
towards the Lebanese border, while in Lebanon people were preparing for the
worst.

The vision of a US strike on Syria as a liberatory breath probably only
occurred to a tiny minority of people. It could only appeal to people who
can easily escape the repercussions or who are so desperate that they
welcome any change.

First an attack will be disastrous for the people of Syria. It undermines
the development of the revolution that offers real hope. There is no such
thing as a “surgical strike”. The US administration’s claim that it will
punish the regime without also hurting millions of people in Syria and
across the region is a fiction.

In reality a US strike is most likely to strengthen Assad. Alternatively,
if the West is determined to bring him down, it will have to destroy most
of Syria.

In the first scenario, Assad would be able to continue his murderous
actions against the Syrian population while posing as an anti-imperialist
hero. This would further isolate the Syrian Revolution. Already some people
who supported the revolution are turning back to the regime under the
pretext that it must be defended from the US.

We have seen what it means when the US decides to “depose a dictator” in
Iraq, in Afghanistan and in Libya.

Even if the Americans succeed, they will also have destroyed all the
structures and the networks built by the Syrian revolutionaries during
their struggle against the regime. All the experience of self-organisation,
all the democratic processes put in place by the active masses, all the
political developments within them—all of these will be destroyed.

That will leave an empty space for opportunist forces, the proxies of Al
Qaida and the regressive regimes such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, to take on
the leading role.

In both scenarios, the US attack will first and foremost damage the Syrian
Revolution. Moreover it will be a pretext for the regime’s allies in the
region to rescue it by widening the circle of war.

Lebanon’s leaders could submerge it in yet another war to escape the rising
popular resentment against Hizbollah sending fighters to bolster Assad in
Syria.

It would silence local support for the Syrian Revolution under the slogan
of “national discipline” against imperialism. Already the violence is
spreading. Just last week Lebanon witnessed car bombs in densely populated
neighbourhoods of both Beirut and Tripoli.

The idea that revolutions are won by some swift action that disposes of a
regime and builds another, is a fiction.

Regimes are not simply structures balanced somewhere in some capital, that
can be simply got rid of or taken over. They are a complex web of relations
of interests among those on the top of society. They continuously adapt
their roles and the agencies of economy and thought and politics to benefit
changing situations. And they have the money and the knowledge to do so.

That is why revolutions are not about simply deposing a dictator or a
military council or a corrupt president, however integral and necessary
those actions may be. They are also about sparking a process of mass
transformation and of self-education and confidence within the masses.

This develops through their continuous movement and struggle for change. It
emerges from the factory of ideas set up by the revolutionary process, as
alternative structures and agencies of resistance and of self-organisation
are erected.

In time this process forms the dual power that can truly defy the existing
order. That is when the system can be brought down to open the space for a
true mass transformation of society towards a better future.

These processes must take place, even with dangerous setbacks. As has
happened in Egypt such setbacks can be an important space to polarise
people to a revolutionary position. They can filter out those elements who
are willing to compromise with the ruling order at the first opportunity.

Moreover, observers often exaggerate the depth of these setbacks. The roots
of the revolutions we are seeing are not simply a result of political
conflict.

At their base are contradictions between the immense socio-economic
developments happening at the base of Arab society and the existing
superstructure and the political order.

These contradictions are far from disappearing. In Egypt, Syria, Bahrain or
wherever, revolutionaries remind people of these contradictions and the
necessity to push the revolutionary process forward.

They argue for the importance of giving time for these agencies and
structures of resistance to develop and to support them. They can never,
never fall to despair and call for foreign intervention or to side with one
side of the ruling class against the other.

The first and foremost task is to support the masses as they develop their
own potential to achieve change through their own collective action.

This can never be achieved by substituting for their movement with some
surgical actions, whether a coup or a swift strike.
Notes from the Syrian uprising

by Ghayath Naisse, Member of the Revolutionary Left Current
*Article first published in :
http://socialistworker.co.uk/art/34272/Notes+from+the+Syrian+uprising?*
*
*

*“This is a popular revolution—at its heart are the workers, the masses and
the rural poor. It began in the popular working class districts and spread
to the countryside.*

*“This revolution from below is still alive in the popular quarters of
cities such as Damascus, Homs, Aleppo, Deraa and Deir Ezzour.*

*“We created popular committees to coordinate our protests, and popular
councils to rule our liberated areas. We have experimented in self
organisation and self rule.*

*“But we face many enemies. On the one side we have a cruel and barbaric
dictatorship, backed by Russia, China, Iran and Hizbollah.*

*“On the other is the counter revolutionary camp of Saudi Arabia and the
petro monarchies backed by the US and western powers.*

*“This is why we say ‘neither Washington nor Moscow, Riyadh nor Tehran’. We
want a future Syria under popular rule, where the labouring masses are in
control.*

*“Our victory can only come from our hands. The Western powers want to
derail our revolution, they have their own imperial and sectarian agendas.*

*“There are never any guarantees of victory. We always face the horror of
defeat. But socialists must always stand with the oppressed and those in
revolt.”*

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