A NEW BRACERO PROGRAM WILL HURT FARM WORKERS
By David Bacon
New America Media, 9/16/13
http://newamericamedia.org/2013/09/a-new-bracero-program-will-hurt-farm-workers.php



Most media coverage of immigration today accepts as fact claims by 
growers that they can't get enough workers to harvest crops. 
Agribusiness wants a new guest worker program, and complaints of a 
labor shortage are their justification for it.  But a little 
investigation of the actual unemployment rate in farm worker 
communities leads to a different picture.

There are always local variations in crops, and the number of workers 
needed to pick them.  But the labor shortage picture is largely a 
fiction.  I've spent over a decade traveling through California 
valleys and I have yet to see fruit rotting because of a lack of 
labor to pick it.  I have seen some pretty miserable conditions for 
workers, though.

As the nation debates changes in our immigration laws, we need a 
reality check.  There is no question that the demographics of farm 
labor are changing.  Today many more workers migrate from small towns 
in southern Mexico and even Central America than ever before.  In the 
grape rows and citrus trees, you're as likely to hear Mixtec or 
Purepecha or Triqui - indigenous languages that predate Columbus - as 
you are to hear Spanish.

These families are making our country a richer place, in wealth and 
culture.  For those who love spicy mole sauce, or the beautiful 
costumes and dance festivals like the guelaguetza, that's reason to 
celebrate.   In the off-season winter months, when there's not much 
work in the fields, indigenous women weavers create brilliant 
rebozos, or shawls, in the styles of their hometowns in Oaxaca,

But the wages these families earn are barely enough to survive.  As 
Abe Lincoln said, "labor creates all wealth," but farm workers get 
precious little of it. Farm workers are worse off today than they've 
been for over two decades. 

Twenty-five years ago, at the height of the influence of the United 
Farm Workers, union contracts guaranteed twice the minimum wage of 
the time.  Today, the hourly wage in almost every farm job is the 
minimum wage -- $8.00 an hour in California, $7.25 elsewhere under 
the Federal law.  If wages had kept up with that UFW base rate, farm 
workers today would be making $16.00 an hour.  But they're not.

If there were a labor shortage so acute that growers were having a 
hard time finding workers, they would be raising wages to make jobs 
more attractive.  But they aren't.

And despite claims of no workers, rural unemployment is high. 
Today's unemployment rate in Delano, birthplace of the United Farm 
Workers, is 30%.  Last year in the Salinas Valley, the nation's salad 
bowl, it swung between 12% and 22%. 

Yet growers want to be able to bring workers into the country on 
visas that say they have to work at minimum wage in order to stay, 
and must be deported if they are out of work longer than a brief 
time.  The industry often claims that if it doesn't have a new 
contract labor program to supply workers at today's low wages, 
consumers will have to pay a lot more for fruit and vegetables.  But 
low wages haven't kept prices low.  The supermarket price of fruit 
has more than doubled in the last two decades.

Low wages have a human cost, however. In housing, it means that 
families live in cramped trailers, or packed like sardines in 
apartments and garages, with many people sleeping in a single room. 
Indigenous workers have worse conditions than most, along with 
workers who travel with the crops.  Migrants often live in cars, 
sometimes even sleeping in the fields or under the trees.  

Housing is in crisis in rural California.  Over the last 
half-century, growers demolished most of the old labor camps for 
migrant workers.  They were never great places to live, but having no 
place is worse.

In past years I've seen children working in fields in northern 
Mexico, but this year I saw them working here too.  When families 
bring their kids to work, it's not because they don't value their 
education or future.  It's because they can't make ends meet with the 
labor of adults alone.

What would make a difference?

Unions would.  The UFW pushed wages up decades ago, getting the best 
standard of living California farm workers ever received.  But 
growers have been implacably hostile to union organizing.  For guest 
workers and undocumented workers alike, joining a union or demanding 
rights can mean risking not just firing, but deportation. 

Enforcing the law would better workers' lives.  California Rural 
Legal Assistance does a heroic job inspecting field conditions, and 
helping workers understand their rights.  But that's an uphill 
struggle too.  According to the Indigenous Farm Worker Survey, a 
third of the workers surveyed still get paid less than the minimum. 
Many are poisoned with pesticides, suffer from heat exhaustion, and 
work in illegal conditions.

Give workers real legal status.  Farm workers need a permanent 
residence visa, not a guest worker visa conditioned on their work 
status.  This would ensure their right to organize without risking 
deportation.  Organization in turn would bring greater equality, 
stability and recognition of their important contribution.  It would 
bring higher earnings.

But growers don't want to raise wages to attract labor. Instead, they 
want workers on temporary visas, not permanent ones - a steady supply 
of people who can work, but can't stay, or who get deported if they 
become unemployed.  This is a repeat of the old, failed bracero 
program of the 1940s and 50s, or the current failures of today's H2A 
visa program that succeeded it.

With a temporary labor program, farm wages will not rise.  Instead, 
farm workers will subsidize agribusiness with low wages, in the name 
of keeping agriculture "competitive."  Strikes and unions that raise 
family income will be regarded as a threat.

We've seen this before.  During the bracero program, when resident 
workers struck, growers brought in braceros.  And if braceros struck, 
they were deported.  That's why Cesar Chavez, Ernesto Galarza and 
Bert Corona finally convinced Congress to end the program in 1964. 
The UFW's first grape strike began the year after the bracero law was 
repealed. 

Today immigrant workers who already live in the U.S., like those who 
recently went on strike at Washington State's Sakuma Berry Farms, are 
being pitted against modern-day braceros brought in under the H2A 
program.  The H2A wage sets the limit on what growers will pay. 
Workers fear that if they protest, they won't get hired for next 
year's picking season, and others will take their places.

Farm workers perform valuable work and need better conditions and 
security, not an immigration reform that will keep them in poverty. 
Giving employers another bracero program is a failed idea, one we 
shouldn't repeat.  Farm labor that can support families is a better 
one.



Books by David Bacon

THE RIGHT TO STAY HOME - How U.S. Policy Drives Mexican Migration
Just published by Beacon Press

Illegal People -- How Globalization Creates Migration and 
Criminalizes Immigrants  (Beacon Press, 2008)
Recipient: C.L.R. James Award, best book of 2007-2008
http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2002

Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)
http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/cup_detail.taf?ti_id=4575

The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the U.S./Mexico Border 
(University of California, 2004)
http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9989.html

For more articles and images, see  http://dbacon.igc.org

-- 
__________________________________

David Bacon, Photographs and Stories
http://dbacon.igc.org

__________________________________

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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