IMF: Helping hand or kiss of death?
The global capitalist crisis (Pt IV)

The following article was published in "The Guardian", newspaper
of the Communist Party of Australia in its issue of Wednesday,
November 25th, 1998. Contact address: 65 Campbell Street, Surry Hills.
Sydney. 2010 Australia. Fax: (612) 9281 5795.
Email: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Webpage: http://www.peg.apc.org/~guardian
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By Anna Pha
According to the annual report of the International Monetary Fund
"the Asian financial crisis started in Thailand with the baht
coming under a series of increasingly serious attacks in May
1997, and the markets losing confidence in the economy". ("Annual
Report 1998", p.27) Since those first attacks on the baht we have
seen the virtual destruction of whole economies, not by military
invasions but economic warfare conducted by financial
institutions with the "helping hand" of the IMF.

The IMF is correct in pointing to a "series of increasingly
serious attacks" on the baht. The attacks on the currency were by
the very "markets" -- the hedge funds, banks and investors --
that the IMF refers to as "losing confidence".

The manufacturing of a crisis is part of a strategy repeated in
Indonesia, South Korea and elsewhere.

First the currency is put under extreme downward pressure by the
collective actions of the hedge funds and banks who flooded the
market with the currency under attack. In the case of Thailand it
was the baht.

The government, under pressure from the markets, the IMF and
Western advisers, agrees to float the currency which in some
cases had been pegged to the US dollar and protected by some
other controls.

Once the currency is floated, the financial markets gain even
more power and the attack becomes even fiercer.

The Thai central bank, for example, attempted to keep up the
exchange rate of the baht by buying large amounts but its
resources could hardly match the combined might of hedge funds
and the big international (mainly US and European) banks.

The Thai central bank, once its foreign currency and gold
reserves were drained, gave up leaving Thailand's currency
totally to the mercy of the destructive markets.

The devaluations that followed ranged from 30 to 80 percent, with
serious ramifications for domestic businesses and the domestic
finance sector.

It became impossible to service foreign debts, most of which were
money borrowed from foreign financial institutions or governments
and was short-term.

Kiss of death

At this point the IMF offers a "rescue" package with onerous
strings. These have the effect of worsening the crisis which
gives the IMF the excuse to make more demands for "economic
reforms".

The "assistance" is meted out bit by bit while the IMF "monitors"
the compliance of the government concerned in fulfilling IMF
demands. The "aid" is often used to to bail out Western banks.

IMF conditions

The specific conditions imposed on the East Asian economies, in
the name of "restoring investor confidence", include:

* removal of restrictions on capital flows in and out of the
country;

* removal of restrictions on foreign trading in currency, bond
and share markets;

* removal of restrictions on foreign investment;

* high interest rates (tight monetary policy);

* restructuring of the financial system, with closure of
"unviable" banks, recapitalisation of banks, removal of
restrictions on the foreign ownership of banks and financial
institutions;

* reduction of budget deficits (tight fiscal policy);

* abolition of subsidies on staple foods, fuel, etc;

* cuts in expenditure on health, education and other social
programs;

* introduction of or an increase in value added taxes;

* abolition of price controls (e.g. on staple foods);

* emphasis on increasing exports (to the neglect of domestic
needs) to raise revenue to repay debts;

* privatisation of public enterprises to raise revenue to repay
debts and open up public enterprises for foreign takeovers.

* labour market "flexibility".

According to the IMF these measures were necessary to "safeguard
stability of national economies". But the real objectives had
nothing to do with helping the local economies.

Each dose of the IMF "medicine" brought further disaster,
followed by even more insistent demands by the IMF.

The measures were designed to reduce government intervention in
the running of the economy, raise funds for the repayment of
government debts, open up the economy for penetration by foreign
corporations and create better conditions for the exploitation of
labour and private profit-making.

These are the same objectives as those set out in the discredited
Multilateral Agreement on Investment.

The combination of high interest rates and battered currencies
had shattering effects on the people as well as on domestic
businesses and economies as a whole.

Willful destruction of economies

It sent thousands of businesses bust as they could not service
their loans nor afford credit for the running of their affairs.

Millions of workers were thrown out of work. Around 60 percent of
Indonesian businesses are now bankrupt or on the verge of
bankruptcy.

The failure of businesses triggered problems for the banks which
could not meet their commitments to depositors nor service
foreign loans.

The IMF insisted that governments let the "markets" take their
course or their next loan installment would be withheld.

That the aim was to destroy, not save, the afflicted economies
and open them up for penetration by US and other Western
transnational corporations is confirmed by a prediction made by
Jeffrey Garten, a senior official in the US Department of
Commerce, during Clinton's first term in office -- before the
crisis:

"Most of these countries are going to go through a deep and dark
tunnel and at the other end there is going to be a significantly
different Asia in which American firms have achieved much deeper
market penetration, much greater access." (Quoted by Walden
Bello, Third World Network Features, in "Asia: back into
underdevelopment?", Aug, 1998)

Recolonisation

The financial and economic crisis, largely manufactured or
triggered by Western financial markets, is being used to
recolonise Asian economies.

More than US$100 billion of Asia's hard currency reserves were
transferred to private financial hands in 1997, crippling the
ability of central banks and governments to defend currencies.

Gunships and missiles have been replaced by hedge funds, banks
and the IMF.

Economic blockades and war threats have not been abandoned and
are being used against "recalcitrants" like Iraq, Libya, Iran,
Cuba, North Korea and Yugoslavia. They are kept in reserve to
threaten other countries as well.

"Investment has never been so cheap as now", said Helmut Maucher,
President of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and
Chairman of Nestle, urging big business to move into the
shattered economies.

"... the returns are long-term. I encourage everybody to go on
with investment."

Vultures descend

It was not long before US, Australian and other corporations
began snapping up bargains.

Merrill Lynch, Goldman Sachs, the Travelers Group, Salomon Smith
Barney, EDS, and Coca-Cola were among the first vultures to
descend.

Some of these corporations have links with the hedge funds that
did much of the damage. Some might even have been directly
involved in manipulating the markets.

Maucher was quite confident that the measures inflicted on
countries like Indonesia hardly affect international industry of
the type he favoured.

He speaks on behalf of the largest international global
corporations, the ones who stand to benefit from the crisis. The
losers are the millions of people and small domestic businesses
who obviously don't count in his thinking.

Highly successful electronics, textile and other industries of
the East Asian countries have been destroyed but this helps to
resolve the global crisis of over-production in the interests of
US, European and Japanese capital. (see Pt II of this series).

It is a classic example of the destruction of capital as
described by Marx during a period of crisis in which capital
attempts to raise its rate of profit and find new investments for
growth even if this is at the expense of other capitalists.

The hypocrisy and conscious intent behind the policies forced on
the East Asian countries is revealed when comparisons are made
with the advice and demands made on Japan.

If Japanese banks had been forced into bankruptcy and actions
taken to destroy the Japanese economy it would have hurt
Maucher's interests and those of the biggest US corporations.

The 19 top Japanese banks are reportedly insolvent, yet the
Japanese economy and financial institutions were subjected to
exactly the opposite approach to those of Thailand where many
financial institutions, including 56 finance companies, were
closed.

While Japan's bank interest rates of 0.5 percent were tolerated,
a rate of 18 percent was strangling Thailand's economy and rates
as high as 50 percent took their toll on Indonesian businesses.

At one stage the yen was deliberately forced up against the US
dollar to prevent a situation where Japanese banks would not have
adequate reserves to legally trade on international markets.

When the Japanese Long-Term Credit bank teetered, the government
bailed it out to the tune of around US$60 billion.

The potential ramifications of a Japanese collapse for the US and
the whole global financial system was too big a risk to take.

The Japanese Government has been stood over to increase spending
and stimulate the economy. It is handing over $850 billion of
taxpayers' money to bail out the private banks and financial
institutions.

Although some of these measures are heresy to economic
rationalists they are necessary to save the global financial
system and Western interests.

The IMF's imposition of measures to liberalise capital flows were
quite outside its charter which centres around ensuring the
stability of the international monetary system and assisting
members with balance of payments problems.

The IMF is now working on a new clause to include in its Articles
which would make the "liberalisation of capital movements" one of
its purposes and obligatory for member countries.

If the amendment goes ahead all 182 member countries, including
Australia, would be bound by the sorts of provisions that were in
the OECD's draft Multilateral Agreement on Investment.

The enforced removal of barriers to capital flows would be in the
hands of one of the most powerful and undemocratic institutions
which serves the interests of US monopoly capital and the
European and Japanese corporations.

Governments would no longer have the power to determine their own
policies. They would be decided by IMF personnel in consultation
with the International Chamber of Commerce, the Institute of
International Finance and other powerful corporate interests.

Many of the measures envisaged are already being illegally
enforced on countries in the grip of the IMF as part of what is
known as "Second Generation Reforms".

A number of proposals are now emerging that would have the IMF's
work carried out more directly by the corporate sector.

The Republicans in the US are arguing for the bailout role of the
IMF to be handed over to the private banking sector, with the IMF
(now widely discredited), playing a more general role.

The Institute of International Finance has proposed the formation
of a Private Sector Advisory Council to supervise the activities
of the IMF while the IMF has called for steps to "strengthen
private sector involvement" in crisis management, with some
"power sharing arrangement".

A number of governments, non-government and labour organisations
have taken a stand against IMF policies.
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Next week we shall look at the growing resistance to the IMF's
agenda.

The Guardian  65 Campbell Street, Surry Hills. 2010
Australia.
Email: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Website:  http://www.peg.apc.org/~guardian

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