The following article was published in "The Guardian", newspaper
of the Communist Party of Australia in its issue of Wednesday,
August 2nd, 2000. Contact address: 65 Campbell Street, Surry Hills.
Sydney. 2010 Australia. Phone: (612) 9212 6855 Fax: (612) 9281 5795.
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Time for a Treaty

This is an abridged version of a longer article to be published
in the next issue of the "Australian Marxist Review" which will
be out soon.
                       ********************
The occupation and ownership of Australia's territory by
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders for at least 50,000 years
is an indisputable scientific and historical fact.

by Peter Symon

The indigenous people were hunter-gathers with a communal economy
and a society based on sharing and co-operation. The culture and
system of ideas of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
peoples were developed in close association with the land, its
plants and animals.

Their society was savagely uprooted by the invasion of 1788 and
although Governor Phillip was given instructions to "take
possession of the continent with the consent of the Natives",
consent was never asked nor was it ever given.

The land occupied by the indigenous people was seized without any
compensation or recognition. The theory of "terra nullius" (empty
land) was established to justify this open theft by the
conquerors.

The new settlers imposed their economic system, their authority
and power, their culture and beliefs, often using the Christian
church for this. The languages and culture of the nomadic people
were steadily but never completely destroyed.

Genocide

The Aboriginal population is estimated at about 300,000 at the
time of the first white settlement. By the end of the 19th
Century this number had been reduced to perhaps 75,000.

This thread of genocide continued through policies condoned by
successive governments. Not only did the settlers' guns do their
deadly work, but the poisoning of water and flour was also used.
Diseases imported by the white invaders, and sometimes
deliberately spread, were also a potent killer of the indigenous
people.

Die out

In the 18th and first half of the 19th Centuries, it was believed
that the indigenous people would die out.

"Christian" missionaries played their part to "smooth the pillow"
of the supposedly dying people. This process was to be helped by
herding them onto reserves and through the policies of
assimilation.

The reserves became pools of cheap or unpaid labour for farmers
and pastoralists while the destruction of Aboriginal families by
way of abducting their children (the stolen generations) began.
The identity of these children was denied in the name of
assimilation.

Paul Hasluck, a one-time Governor-General of Australia, said
assimilation "means that, after many generations, the Aboriginal
people will disappear as a separate racial group".

However, changes taking place in white capitalist society also
impacted on the remaining indigenous people.

Pastoralists needed workers and Aborigines proved to be capable
stockmen who could be employed on very low or no wages. Women
were required as domestic servants in white homesteads.

Changes in attitudes

During World War II many white soldiers became acquainted with
the Aboriginal people for the first time and saw for themselves
the shocking treatment that was meted out to them in outback
areas.

White society became increasingly conscious and many could no
longer tolerate the discrimination and exploitation without
protest.

Meanwhile, some Aborigines moved off the reserves and obtained
the lowest paid and most menial jobs in cities and towns. In this
way some became workers in the wider Australian community. Even
those living on reserves came in contact with the cash economy
and capitalist forms of trade.

Slowly but steadily the vision of the Aboriginal people grew from
a tribal outlook to an Australia-wide consciousness.

In 1958, the first Australia-wide Aboriginal organisation was
formed -- the Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines
and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI).

It was a multi-racial organisation and included such outstanding
Aborigines as Joe McGinness (a Cairns waterside worker and
communist), Faith Bandler, Kath Walker, Pastor Doug Nichols,
Gladys Elphick, Ray Peckham (also a communist), and others.

One people

The indigenous people began to realise that they were a people
with a common history and ancestry and that all were being
savagely oppressed, deprived, exploited and wronged.

 >From this realisation came a higher level of struggle. By 1988,
the 200th anniversary of white invasion, Aboriginal people
declared: "We have survived". This was a call to resistance.

Some broke through to high school and universities, even though
the majority were still relegated to the fringes of country towns
and in other far-away places and lived in appalling conditions of
poverty, deprivation and unemployment.

Land rights struggle

A significant factor was the steadily growing struggle for land
rights and for decent wages and conditions for Aboriginal
workers.

On 1 May 1946, a major strike struggle took place across the
Pilbara region of Western Australia. One of its outcomes was the
formation of an Aboriginal mining co-operative, the first of its
kind in Australia. The Pindan group used traditional forms of
social organisation but modified them to suit their
circumstances.

This was followed in 1966/7 by the strike of stockmen from
properties of the British-owned Vestey pastoral company in the
Northern Territory.

The Arbitration Commission had awarded Aboriginal stockmen equal
pay and conditions but implementation was delayed. The Gurindji
people began a long strike which grew into a successful struggle
for land rights when they occupied their traditional land at Dagu
Ragu (Wattie Creek).

Referendum

The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were not counted
in the Australian census and legislation on questions relating to
the indigenous people resided in State parliaments.

A referendum in 1967 which called for this situation to be
reversed was adopted by a 90 per cent vote that was also a vote
for a changed attitude on the part of governments to the
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

Terra Nullius overturned

A high-water mark was reached in the land rights struggle when in
1992 the High Court gave a decision in the Mabo case.

For the first time a Court recognised the fact that the
Aboriginal people had occupied land for millennia, thereby
overturning the lie of "terra nullius" -- that the Australian
continent was empty of people at the time of Governor Phillip's
invasion in 1788.

But white conservatives fought and are still fighting a stubborn
rearguard action to deny the reality of the 1788 invasion, to
deny the policies of genocide, to refuse to recognise the stolen
generations and, above all, to limit, delay and, if possible,
scuttle the land claims of many indigenous people.

For the ruling class of capitalist Australia it is private
property that is sacred, not any concepts of justice or what is
right.

Treaty

Labor Prime Minister Hawke responded to calls for a treaty in
1987 and undertook to commence negotiations on what was then
called a "Makarrata". Hawke called for a "compact of
understanding" but this was rejected by Aboriginal leaders.

Charles Perkins said: "We want a treaty written into the
Constitution for all time. A compact is not good enough."

A treaty, he said, should cover issues of the prior ownership of
land, sovereignty, compensation for land lost, and recognition of
the customs, laws, languages and sacred sites.

Keating replaced Hawke as Prime Minister and, instead of
proceeding with treaty negotiations, appointed a Reconciliation
Council in 1990. This was a diversion which sidetracked the
treaty concept.

The Council finalised its work this year and issued a Statement
of Reconciliation which says:

"We recognise this land and its waters were settled as colonies
without treaty or consent [and we] respect that Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander peoples have the right to self-
determination...."

Is a treaty the way to go? Can a treaty be concluded between the
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander national minorities and the
Australian State?

The policies of protection, integration and assimilation have
completely failed while the assertion of the Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people as distinct peoples with their own
history, ancestry, culture and traditions is irrefutable. That
they are the original inhabitants of this continent is also
irrefutable.

At its 3rd Congress in 1978 the Socialist Party (now Communist
Party) declared:

"The Aboriginal people are an oppressed national minority within
the Australian state and it is a particular responsibility of the
working class to join in struggle for the emancipation of the
Aboriginal people and to win full national minority rights and in
particular the right to the inalienable, communal ownership of
remaining tribal lands ....

"Another fundamental demand is for the creation of autonomous
administrations on lands made over to inalienable, communal
ownership."

Recognition

It is time to dispense with the ideas of "protection",
"integration" and "assimilation". Even "reconciliation" is not
enough.

RECOGNITION is required -- recognition of the Aborigines and
Torres Strait Islanders as distinct peoples, as the original
occupiers and owners, as national minorities within the
Australian state.

A treaty will require long negotiations. It would need to be
incorporated in law with amendments to the Australian
Constitution. In the process the Aboriginal and Islander national
minorities must be treated as equals.

Howard claims the demand for a treaty is "divisive" as though
divisions do not already exist. His charge is yet another ploy to
frighten people, to justify present policies and to meet the
interests of the mining companies and pastoralists.

However, governments and the Australian people will have to face
up to the question of a treaty and accept that it is a valid
demand.

A treaty is not an alternative to the continuing struggle for
land rights. Land rights claims and the campaign for a treaty are
two elements of the same struggle.

Two hundred and twelve years is time enough to put the wrong to
right. A treaty is now the way in which this has to be done.

--

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