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Robert Sterling
Editor, The Konformist
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8/21/00

POLICE STATE CRACKDOWN
by Jim Redden
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

It's official - anarchists are the new Public Enemy Number One. Ever since 
the World Trade Organization riots in Seattle, the federal government has 
been cracking down on the Far Left with the same ferocity it went after the 
Far Right in the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing. Government officials 
are orchestrating a propaganda campaign against the emerging 
anti-globalization movement, seizing on the actions of a handful of 
anarchists to accuse all of the activists of being violent. Protest leaders 
have been arrested on trumped-up charges. Demonstrators are being followed 
and photographed. Law abiding political organizations are being infiltrated 
by undercover operatives. Peaceful activists have been accused of 
stockpiling biological weapons, explosives, guns, Molotov cocktails, and 
even acid-filled balloons.

As a result, anti-globalization protesters are being portrayed as domestic 
terrorists in the media - and law enforcement agencies are reacting as 
though they are conspiring to overthrow the government with force. The WTO 
protests in late 1999 caught the government unprepared. The size and 
intensity of the Seattle protests surprised federal, state and local law 
enforcement agencies. A small number of militants willing to break a few 
windows provoked a massive over-reaction which embarrassed local 
authorities and forced the police chief to resign in disgrace. But this was 
just the first battle in a much longer war, and the government is now in 
for the long haul. The first reactions were laughable. The city of 
Portland, Oregon almost cancelled its downtown New Year's celebration when 
rumors circulated that anarchists from Eugene were coming to town. The bash 
went on only after heavily-armed federal agents were mobilized and riot 
gear-equipped police surrounded the party site. No anarchists showed up. 
The rumors were wrong.

Fear of anarchists forced the United Steelworkers union to cancel a labor 
rally at the Kaiser Aluminum plant in Tacoma, Washington on March 27. 
Tacoma police said an anarchist from Eugene was coming to the rally with a 
bomb. The police also said they stopped an anarchist in a car full of guns. 
The Seattle Weekly newspaper denounced both claims as bogus, pointing out 
that no one was arrested in either incident. Law enforcement officials 
again raised the specter of violence when mass protests were scheduled for 
the World Bank and International Monetary Fund meetings in Washington DC in 
mid-April. Federal, state and local law enforcement agencies used the 
threat of violence to justify spying on the activists. Their meetings were 
infiltrated, their public gatherings disrupted, their phones tapped, and 
police were posted outside their homes and offices. Even the corporate 
media took note of the harassment. "Some protesters think they are being 
watched. They are correct." the Washington Post reported on April 1O. Three 
days later, USA Today reported government agents were going undercover 
online to thwart the protesters. "[T]hey have been monitoring 73 internet 
sites where the groups have been exchanging messages to learn more about 
their plans. Sometimes, officers have even gone online posing as 
protesters," the paper said, adding that police were physically following 
suspected anarchists throughout the capitol city. "They have been 
monitoring the movements of nearly two dozen self-proclaimed anarchists who 
have arrived in Washington." As the meetings approached, all 3,500 DC 
police officers were put on alert, along with unknown number of law 
enforcement agents from at least 12 federal and state agencies, including 
the FBI and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms. The authorities spent 
over $1 million on new body armor and bullet-proof shields. They set up 
three mass detention centers where arrested protesters would be taken. They 
removed 69 mailboxes where bombs could be hidden. The day before the 
meetings began, police raided a warehouse used by protesters to paint signs 
and plan marches. Law enforcement officials claimed they found materials 
for making Molotov cocktails, a laboratory for mass production of pepper 
spray, and bomb-making materials. These claims help justify arresting 
nearly 1,200 protesters during the meetings, most on petty charges such as 
blocking streets and sidewalks. In a later retraction, the police admitted 
the Molotov cocktail supplies were merely plastic containers and paint 
rags, the pepper spray factory was nothing more than a kitchen, and the 
bomb-making materials were simple plastic water pipes - all consistent with 
making protest signs. The full extent of the government's surveillance 
operation was not revealed until May 4, when the Paris-based Intelligence 
Newsletter carried a story titled "Watching the Anti-WTO Crowd" which 
reported that U.S. Army intelligence units were monitoring the 
anti-corporate protesters. Among other things, the newsletter discovered 
that "reserve units from the US Army Intelligence and Security Command 
helped Washington police keep an eye on demonstrations staged at the World 
Bank/IMF meetings ... [T]he Pentagon sent around 700 men from the 
Intelligence and Security Command at Fort Belvoir to assist the Washington 
police on April 17, including specialists in human and signals 
intelligence. One unit was even strategically located on the fourth floor 
balcony in a building at 1919 Pennsylvania Avenue with a birds-eye view of 
most demonstrators."

The newsletter also charged that much information being collected about the 
protesters was being fed into the Regional Information Sharing System 
(RISS) computers used by law enforcement agencies across the country. The 
RISS system was originally created with federal funds to help track 
organized crime networks. It connects the computer files stored at six 
regional centers serving more than 5,300 member law enforcement agencies in 
50 states, two Canadian provinces, the District of Columbia, Australia, 
Guam, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and Puerto Rico. The vast majority of the 
agencies are at the city and county levels, but more than 280 state 
agencies and 650 federal agencies are also members. The federal agencies 
include the FBI, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, the Internal 
Revenue Service, the Secret Service, Customs, and the Bureau of Alcohol, 
Tobacco and Firearms.

The government is adding the protesters to the RISS database under the 
guise that they are "terrorists." As the Intelligence Newsletter put it, 
"to justify their interest in anti-globalization groups from a legal 
standpoint, the authorities lump them into a category of terrorist 
organizations. Among those considered as such at present are Global Justice 
(the group that organized the April 17 demonstration), Earth First, 
Greenpeace, American Indian Movement, Zapatista National Liberation Front 
and Act-Up."

The government considered the massive show of police force to be a success, 
and it soon became a national pattern. Police in Portland, Oregon 
over-reacted to a peaceful May Day march, attacking protesters with batons 
and nylon shotgun rounds filled with steel pellets. Dozens of people were 
arrested. The police justified their actions by claiming anarchists from 
Eugene were taking part in the march. After a public outcry, the police 
chief apologized to the City Council for the actions of his officers. But 
he did not promise to change the tactics.

Police in Eugene arrested over 70 young people during a June 15 to 19 "punk 
fest." Two anarchists were charged with setting fire to a new Silverado 
pickup at a local care dealership, and of almost blowing up a gasoline 
tanker truck near a working class neighborhood. Craig Marshall and Jeffrey 
Luers have pleaded not guilty to all charges. Local activists claim the 
charges are false, intended to create the impression that anarchists are 
dangerous. "They go out at night, wear disguises and cause chaos," Police 
Chief Jim Hill said. Animal rights activists planned to protest a meeting 
of the International Society of Animal Geneticists in Minneapolis in July 
2000. Several days before the meeting was to begin, local police claimed 
that large quantities of ammonium nitrate had been stolen from a nearby 
storage facility, and that unidentified protesters were suspected of the 
theft. On the day of the major march, police claimed that a cyanide bomb 
had been detonated in a McDonalds restaurant. The FBI called this an act of 
terrorism, and assumed control of the law enforcement action efforts. The 
next day the federal Drug Enforcement Agency raided a house where some 
protest organizing had taken place. Residents were roughed-up, arrested and 
taken to a hospital. Computers and political literature were seized, along 
with less than an ounce of marijuana and a small amount of psychedelics. 
Charges against all but one of the residents were dropped, and the police 
eventually admitted they had no reason to believe the activists were 
involved in the ammonium nitrate theft. The cyanide attack at the 
McDonald's turned out to be nothing more than a harmless smoke bomb.

By the time the Republic National Convention began in Philadelphia, the 
government had its tactics worked out. In the weeks leading up to the 
convention, activists reported at least five instances in which 
unidentified men were seen photographing people entering and leaving 
protest planning meetings. A reporter with the Philadelphia Inquirer 
observed two men dressed in casual clothes watching activists arrive for a 
meeting at the offices of the Women's International League for Peace and 
Freedom. The pair sat on the hood of a maroon Plymouth, taking pictures of 
the activists as they came and went. Both men refused to answer any 
questions from the reporter, and a police spokeswoman denied they were 
officers. But then the reporter traced the license plates on the Plymouth 
to the police department. Confronted with proof of his agency's role in the 
surveillance operation, department spokesman David Yarnell reluctantly 
admitted the activists were right. "We were watching. We were making 
surveillance efforts. It's just prudent preparations for anything," he 
confessed. "This is just outrageous," responded organizer Michael Morrill 
"If this is in fact going on, and city officials are lying about it, I 
wonder what else they're doing."

Shortly before the mass protests, police raided a warehouse where activists 
were painting signs and building large puppets for their marches. Before 
the raid, law enforcement officials claimed the warehouse was being used to 
store C4 explosives and acid-filled balloons, presumably to throw at 
police. The police also impounded a bus which they said contained poisonous 
snakes and spiders. No explosives or weapons were found in the warehouse, 
and all of the animals in the bus turned out to be harmless.

"It was a smart move by the police," noted Free Radical editor L.A. 
Kauffman, who was at the convention. "Stripped of our means of 
communication, we looked as if we had no message to convey. This perception 
became a running theme in corporate media coverage of the August 1 
demonstrations; we were cast as mindless hordes wreaking random havoc." The 
day after the convention ended, Philadelphia Police Commissioner John 
Timoney called a press conference and announced that his intelligence 
officers had uncovered a vast left wing conspiracy. Sounding like 
anti-Communist fanatic Joe McCarthy, Timoney declared that outside 
agitators had conspired to cause violence and property damage at the 
convention. He called on the federal government to investigate this 
subversive plot, saying, "There is a cadre, if you will, of criminal 
conspirators who are about the business of planning conspiracies to go in 
and cause mayhem and cause property damage in major cities in America that 
have large conventions or large numbers of people coming in for one reason 
or another."

One of the alleged conspirators was John Sellers, director of Ruckus 
Society, a Berkeley-based organization which trains political protesters in 
civil disobedience tactics. Although all of the charges filed against 
Sellers were misdemeanors, District Attorney Cindy Mertelli asked that his 
bail be set at $1 million, far more than all but the most dangerous felons 
are required to post. In seeking the high bail, Mertelli produced a 27-page 
"dossier" on Sellers. She called him "a real risk of danger to the 
community," noting he had been "involved in Seattle, a situation with 
almost dead bodies."

Shortly after bail was set, CBS News was reporting that Philadelphia police 
had pinpointed the "ringleaders" of the most violent protests against the 
Republicans and had been stalking them throughout the day. Sellers was 
identified as one of the ringleaders that were stalked. Timoney's 
conspiracy theory got a boost when it was embraced by Bruce Chapman, 
president of the Discovery Institute and a former U.S. Ambassador to the 
United Nations Organizations in Vienna. Writing in the Washington Times, 
Chapman claimed several left wing political organizations had conspired to 
cause violence in Seattle, Washington DC, Philadelphia and Los Angeles. He 
ended his piece by calling for a federal investigation.

Protesters faced a similar surveillance and harassment campaign in Los 
Angeles. On July 13, the Los Angeles Times printed a guest editorial by 
Mayor Richard Riordan which warned of violence by "international 
anarchists." In the piece titled "A Fair Warning to All: Don't Disrupt Our 
City," Riordan said the protesters coming to town had attended "training 
camps where they have learned strategies of destruction and guerrilla 
tactics." Before too long, the authorities and media were alluding to the 
possibility of domestic terrorism. On July 23, the Los Angeles Times 
reported the Secret Service and other government agencies were warning that 
a biological agent might be released in or around the Staples Center, where 
the convention was scheduled to be held. "We have purchased a lot of 
equipment, specialized masks and gowns," said Dr. Robert Splawn, medical 
director of the California Hospital Medical Center, the closest hospital to 
the center.

The police also began visiting businesses near the center, showing them 
videos from the Seattle protests and advising them to consider boarding up 
glass walls and windows, hiring additional security guards, and stocking up 
on emergency provisions like flashlights, food and water. "It's almost like 
a tornado," said LAPD Detective Darryl. "You can see it coming, but you 
don't know where it's going to go." Butler also implied the Eugene 
anarchists were already in town. He claimed police had arrested a handful 
of people for taking pictures of downtown buildings from rooftops and other 
unusual places, and that their addresses all traced back to Oregon.

On August 7, the Southern California chapter of the American Civil 
Liberties Union complained about round-the-clock police surveillance on the 
protesters. ACLU attorney Dan Tokaji wrote a letter to Police Chief Bernard 
Parks and Deputy City Attorney Debra Gonzales accusing the police 
videotaping the four-story protest headquarters, and recording license 
plate numbers of cars used by activists. "They've crossed the line 
separating legitimate security preparations from unlawful harassment that 
violates protesters' First and Fourth amendment rights. The mere potential 
for a disturbance does not justify the suspension of our constitutional 
rights," the letter said. When the city didn't respond, the ACLU went to 
federal court on August 11 and obtained a temporary restraining order 
prevent the police from raiding the building without a warrant. In its 
complaint, ACLU lawyers cited 22 separate incidents of surveillance and 
harassment, including random police visits without warrants, low helicopter 
overflights, and people being followed and searched after leaving the building.

But the injunction didn't stop the police from infiltrating the protest 
organizations. On August 12, a group called The Youth Are the Future! We 
Demand a Better World! held a meeting Luna Sol Cafe. They were planning to 
participate in the next day's Mumia Abu-Jamal protest march. As the meeting 
was breaking up, uniformed police officers rushed through the cafe's door 
and threw three of the main speakers up against a wall. Several of the 
meeting's participants also jumped up and helped with the arrests, 
revealing themselves to be undercover officers.

Activist/journalist Tim Ream correctly summarized the police state tactics 
in an August 10 dispatch from Los Angeles, writing, "A disturbing trend is 
developing regarding police pre-emptive response to mass protest. In 
numerous situations since WTO protests in Seattle in late 1999, police have 
issued misinformation claiming unsubstantiated evidence of violent plans by 
protesters gathering for mass actions. The false information is then used 
as a pretext for unwarranted police actions. The misinformation concerning 
protester plans have ranged from chemical weapons to bomb-making. None of 
the numerous claims of violent plans have been substantiated. Nonetheless, 
many media outlets appear to have been predisposed to repeat information 
provided by police without fact-checking or seeking responses from the 
organizations accused. The damage to free speech and the mass protest 
movement has been extensive." Hundreds of protesters were arrested during 
the Democratic National Convention, including a number who had apparently 
been identified as "leaders" by undercover operatives. They were all given 
high bails to ensure they would not be released until they had identified 
themselves - and all of their names were entered into the growing computer 
database being compiled by the government. Even Ream conceded the police 
tactics were having the desired effect.

"Editorial pages and conversations on the street are full of critiques that 
protesters are not clear about what they stand for and seem more interested 
in violence than meaningful change. This is as clear a sign as any that 
protester voices have been effectively silenced and police positioning of 
protesters is carrying the day," he wrote, noting that nearly 2,500 
protesters had been arrested since November 30, 1999. "In addition, 
activists are scared. Anyone who has been involved in the mass protest 
movement through a major event of the last six months has friends who have 
been brutalized at the hands of the system."

Protest organizers now face the challenge of keeping the movement growing 
in the face of such repressive measures. (Jim Redden is looking for 
specific examples of police surveillance and infiltration. If you have any 
stories or know of anyone who does, please contact him at [EMAIL PROTECTED])


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