In Bush's nuclear plan Australia could play a key role. Should it?

http://theage.com.au/news/2001/05/03/FFXCVQZY7MC.html

Star Wars - the sequel

By MARK FORBES
Thursday 3 May 2001

As the 20-metre high rocket shudders into life, a massive, flaming 
backthrust from its boosters snakes up its sides and out of the concrete 
silo. For a moment it seems anchored, then it takes off with 
ever-increasing speed. Within minutes the flames burn out, leaving the 
missile to silently cruise, with its destructive nuclear warheads, towards 
its target.

Dispatched from deep inside the bleak Tibetan plateau, Siberia's 
wastelands, or even the mountains of North Korea, that brief flash of flame 
triggers the infra-red sensors of a United States geo-stationary satellite 
perched 200 kilometres above the Indian Ocean. That satellite beams down a 
stream of digital data to a 10-metre antenna housed inside what appears to 
be a giant golf ball at Pine Gap in Central Australia. Pine Gap then 
bounces the warning to the US battle command centre in Colorado. From 
there, defensive radar systems and interceptors race to destroy the 
warheads in less than the 30 minutes they would take to reach and devastate 
US cities.

This terrifying scenario is one President George W. Bush envisaged when he 
announced his nuclear missile defence system, America's second attempt to 
erect a protective shield against nuclear attack. And if it ever came to 
pass, Australia, at least under this Coalition government, would play a 
vital role.

Despite the key warning role played by Pine Gap under the new missile 
defence plans, its Australian commander is unlikely to know a nuclear 
attack has begun until informed by the United States.

Yesterday US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld talked up the importance of 
Australia's role in developing a new global anti-ballistic missile defence 
strategy.

"It is in our interest as a country to work with our friends and allies 
around the world to see that we develop defences against these limited 
(missile) capabilities that are existing and will exist to a greater extent 
in the period ahead," Rumsfeld said, after meeting Defence Minister Peter 
Reith at the Pentagon. Although the relay station at Pine Gap is not 
integral to the missile defence plans announced by President Bush, it is 
undoubtedly important, says Dr Ron Huisken, who was director-general of 
alliance policy with the Defence Department until March and is now at the 
Australian National University's Strategic Defence Studies Centre.

Huisken says the US could probably use mobile ground stations to cover for 
Pine Gap. Still, "early warning is considered to be critical. You've got 30 
minutes or less to destroy incoming ballistic missiles".

For the US, the real importance of Australian support is political, not 
military. With many allies uneasy about the plan, Australia has been its 
most outspoken advocate.

In March Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, echoing the "guns don't kill 
people" mantra of shooters' advocates, said that "a missile defence system 
is not going to kill anyone, missiles will".

The Federal Government will warmly welcome the high-level team announced by 
President Bush to "sell" the system when it arrives in Canberra next week. 
But the Federal Opposition will take a different stance. Foreign affairs 
spokesman Laurie Brereton says a Labor government would not be involved in 
National Missile Defence, including any role in testing or developing the 
new system.

The move, one of the few clear foreign policy splits between the major 
parties, echoes former prime minister Bob Hawke's rejection of an 
Australian role in Ronald Reagan's Star Wars program. At the time, 
Opposition leader John Howard said the rebuff would destroy the US alliance 
- which, Labor is keen to point out, never happened.

Support of America's new shield will harm Australia's strategic interests, 
which should not be subordinated to Washington, Brereton says.

"National Missile Defence has the potential to fuel a new nuclear arms race 
in the Asia-Pacific region and seriously undermine global non-proliferation 
agreements," he says. "The shield will encourage Russia and China to expand 
their nuclear arsenals in response."

Alan Dupont, of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, agrees endorsing 
the system is likely to further harm regional relations.

"The more we support the US the more it will raise tensions with China, and 
we have enough of those already," says Dupont. "It will re-inforce the 
perception in China that Australia is returning to the bad old days of `all 
the way with LBJ'."

Many other countries argue the US is exaggerating the likelihood of "rogue 
states" gaining nuclear missile capacity. They question the effectiveness 
of any missile shield.

But a spokeswoman for Mr Downer says the system should lead to significant 
reductions in the global nuclear arsenal, not a new arms race. She says it 
is too early to speculate on the details of any Australian involvement and 
Bush has made it clear that the system is not aimed at Russia or China.

In Washington, Reith says he understands and appreciates Chinese concerns, 
but adds: "The Australian Government has made it quite clear we understand 
the right of the US Government to proceed to a system which it thinks is 
necessary for the defence of its territories."

In return for boosting the US alliance, and access to the system's data, 
which could provide some protection from a foreign missile attack, would 
Australia earn a place on China's list of targets?

"In theory China could target Pine Gap," Dupont says. "But it's unlikely 
because they only have 20 intercontinental ballistic missiles that would be 
targeted against higher priorities."

Russia has been far more directly critical of Australia's role.

In February, its government said that the proposed system, and the US 
consequent abandonment of the anti-ballistic missile treaty, would have 
"perilous consequences for international security. In today's 
interdependent world, even the geographical remoteness of Australia will 
not save it from the adverse consequences of the undermining of strategic 
stability and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction".


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