from Six Red Months in Russia


SMOLNY INSTITUTE, headquarters of the Bolsheviki, is on the edge of Petrograd. Years
ago it was considered "way out in the country," but the city grew out to meet it,
engulfed it and finally claimed it as its own. Smolny is an enormous place; the
great main building stretches in a straight line for hundreds of feet with an ell
jutting out at each end and forming a sort of elongated court. Close up to the north
ell snuggles the lovely little Smolny Convent with its dull blue domes with the
silver stars. Once young ladies of noble birth from all over Russia came here to
receive a "proper" education.

I came to know Smolny well while I was in Russia. I saw it change from a lonely,
deserted barracks into & busy humming hive, heart and soul of the last revolution. I
watched the leaders once accused, hunted and imprisoned raised by the mass of the
people of all Russia to the highest places in the nation. They were borne along on
the whirlwind of radicalism that swept and is still sweeping Russia and they
themselves did not know how long or how well they would be able to ride that
whirlwind....

Smolny was always a strange place. In the cavernous, dark hallways where here and
there flickered a pale electric light, thousands and thousands of soldiers and
sailors and factory workers tramped in their heavy, mud-covered boots every day. All
the world seemed to have business at Smolny and the polished white floors over which
once tripped the light feet of careless young ladies became dark and dirt-stained
and the great building shook with the tread of the proletariat....

I ate many of my meals in the great mess hall on the ground floor with the soldiers.
There were long, rough wooden tables and wooden benches and a great air of
friendliness pervaded everywhere. You were always welcome at Smolny if you were poor
and you were hungry. We ate with wooden spoons, the kind the Russian soldiers carry
in their big boots, and all we had to eat was cabbage soup and black bread. We were
always thankful for it and always afraid that perhaps to-morrow there would not be
even that. ... We stood in long lines at the noon hour chattering like children. "So
you are an American, Tavarishe, well, how does it go now in America?" they would say
to me.

Upstairs in a little room tea was served night and day. Trotsky used to come there
and Kollontay and Spiradonova and Kaminoff and Volodarysky and all the rest except
Lenine. I never saw Lenine at either of these places. He held aloof and only
appeared at the largest meetings and no one got to know him very well. But the
others I mentioned would discuss events with us. In fact, they were very generous
about giving out news.

In all the former classrooms typewriters ticked incessantly. Smolny worked
twenty-four hours a day. For weeks Trotsky never left the building. He ate and slept
and worked in his office on the third floor and strings of people came in every hour
of the day to see him. All the leaders were frightfully overworked, they looked
haggard and pale from loss of sleep.

In the great white hall, once the ball-room, with its graceful columns and silver
candelabra, delegates from the Soviets all over Russia met in allnight sessions. Men
came straight from the first line trenches, straight from the fields and the
factories. Every race in Russia met there as brothers. Men poured out their souls at
these meetings and they said beautiful and terrible things. I will give you an
example of the speeches of the soldiers:

A tired, emaciated little soldier mounts the rostrum. He is covered with mud from
head to foot and with old blood stains. He blinks in the glaring light. It is the
first speech he has ever made in his life and he begins it in a shrill hysterical
shout:

"Tavarishi! I come from the place where men are digging their graves and calling
them trenches! We are forgotten out there in the snow and the cold. We are forgotten
wile you sit here and discuss politics! I tell you the army can't fight much longer!
Something's got to be done! Something's got to be done! The officers won't work with
the soldiers' committees and the soldiers are starving and the Allies won't have a
conference. I tell you something's got to be done or the soldiers are going home!"

Then the peasants would get up and plead for their land. The Land Committees, they
claimed, were being arrested by the Provisional Government; they had a religious
feeling about land. They said they would fight and die for the land, but they would
not wait any longer. If it was not given to them now they would go out and take it.

And the factory workers told of the sabotage of the bourgeoisie, how they were
ruining the delicate machinery so that the workmen could not run the factories; they
were shutting down the mills so they would starve. It was not true, they cried, that
the workers were getting fabulous sums. They couldn't live on what they got!

Over and over and over like the beat of the surf came the cry of all starving
Russia: "Peace, land and bread!"

It would be very unjust to blame the leaders for any steps they took, my observation
was that they were always pushed into these actions by the great will of the
majority. It is certainly foolish also to think that the peasants were isolated from
Smolny. One of the most spectacular events that happened in Petrograd after the
revolution was the two-mile parade of peasants from 6 Fontanka, where they were
having the meeting of the All-Russian Peasants' Congress, to Smolny, just to show
their approval of that institution.

So many different organisations had offices in Smolny. There worked the now famous
Military Revolutionary Committee in Room 17, on the top floor. This committee, which
performed some extraordinary feats during the first days of the Bolshevik uprising,
was headed by Lazarimov, an eighteen-year-old boy. It was a throbbing room; couriers
came and went, foreigners stood in line to get passes to leave the country, suspects
were brought in. ...

Antonoff, the War Minister, had an office in Smolny, as well as Krylenko and
Dubenko, so it was the nerve centre for the army and navy, as well as the political
centre.

In the corridors were stacks of literature which the people gobbled up eagerly.
Pamphlets, books and official newspapers of the Bolshevik party like Rabotchi Poot
and the Isvestia by the thousands were disposed of daily.

Soldiers, dead-weary, slept in the halls and on chairs and benches in unused rooms.
Others stood alert and on guard before all sorts of committee rooms, and if you
didn't have a pass like the one reproduced in this book you didn't get in. The
passes were changed frequently to keep out spies.

In many windows were machine guns pointing blind eyes into the cold winter air.
Rifles were stacked along the walls, and on the stone steps before the main entrance
were several cannon. In the court were armoured cars ready for action. Smolny was
always well guarded by volunteers.

No matter how late the meetings lasted, and they usually broke up about 4 o'clock in
the morning, the street-car employees kept the cars waiting. When the heaviest
snowstorms blocked up the traffic, soldiers and sailors and working women came out
on the streets and kept the tracks clear to Smolny. Often it was the only line
running in the city.

I have heard that Smolny was the bought establishment of the German imperialists. I
have tried to give a true picture of Smolny. It was not the kind of place in which
an imperialist of any sort would have been comfortable. I never heard any leader or
any of the thousands of soldiers, workers or peasants who came there express one
trace of sympathy for the German Government. They have, however, the same feeling
that President Wilson has about speaking to the people of Austria and Germany over
the heads of their autocratic military leaders. And how successful they are in this
must one day be obvious to a doubting world.





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