Hello All,
Without question the best piece documenting the absolute pathetic bumbling that
went on at all levels of Government
in the wake of Hurricane Katrina.
Thank you Mr. Rockwell for writing such an informative piece.
I can now laugh hysterically when some supposed 'learned' intellectual either
Liberal or Conservative tells me that we
couldn't survive without Government.
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Conservative Central Planning
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Watching the Capitol Hill hearings on what went wrong after
Hurricane Katrina provided a glimpse of what it must have been like in the
Politburo in the 1950s. The Soviet bureaucrats would gather with the party
officials and factory and farm managers to figure out why grain production was
down or why shop shelves were empty or why the bread lines were ever longer and
the quality ever worse.
They gathered under the conviction that they had a workable system
that was being rendered unworkable because of the incompetence or shirking or
wrecking of certain key players in the chain of command. No one was permitted
to say that the command system itself was the problem. Instead, they had to
place blame on someone, as if all problems could be reduced to issues of
obedience. It was always a scramble. Whoever was finally said to be at fault
faced certain ruin.
To be sure, there was plenty of blame to go around. With rats in a
maze, there is a sense in which they are all responsible for not having found
the exit. If those rats could also organize into a hierarchy of control and
hold trials, it would surely produce a great show and many victims. But at the
end of the day, the rats would be no closer to getting out of the maze. And so
it was in the US Congress: the hearings produced a great show with no results
that will make a difference for our future.
The Soviet system had to fully unravel before it became permissible
to state what it used to be a crime even to think: you can't command an
economy. You can make every demand, issue a million orders, exhaust every
financial resource in the state's account, elevate some people and demote
others, dress up in a military costume and make grand pronouncements from a
glorified pedestal, cut off fingers, toes, and heads, but in the end, you can't
make the economy perform in a way that serves the people unless you let market
forces work.
Not just the Soviets had to learn this. Authoritarian regimes from
the beginning of time have attempted to defy the laws of economics, step on the
interests of the merchant class, control and redirect the wishes of consumers
and entrepreneurs, bend and kick prices and wages this way and that, and
inhibit trade in every way. But they cannot finally overpower the driving
desire on the part of people to control their own fate and not be subject to
the slavery that is collectivism of all colors, whether red or brown.
Someday, the US managers of crises will have to realize this same
point. But for now, they are like Soviet bureaucrats scrambling to make an
unworkable system function, and creating a scene that is as farcical as it is
tragic.
Consider first how the much-glorified Department of Homeland
Security responded to the Katrina crisis. There is a mysterious missing day
between the time the hurricane hit and the levees broke and flooded New
Orleans. During this strange Monday, August 29 - a day in which there was a
window of opportunity to prevent the meltdown of civilization - why didn't
federal officials respond or even pretend to respond?
The head of the Department of Homeland Security, Michael Chertoff,
said that he read in the Tuesday morning newspaper that, according to the
headline, "New Orleans Dodged the Bullet." So, to his mind, there was nothing
to do. This was his testimony. This is not exactly an awe-inspiring admission,
but it speaks to a truth that few are willing to admit: government officials
live normal lives. They do not partake of the mind of God. They get their news
just like you and me. And they have far less information than the body of
knowledge generated by the signaling process of the market economy and the
private sector.
We might even say that they are in effect sub-normal in
intelligence, because government officials stand outside of society, cut off
from normal channels of information that the rest of us take for granted. They
are isolated from markets and the regular pressures of life. They are not
owners of what they control, and have no real stake in the value of their
product. They are surrounded by some of the most peculiar people in the world,
namely lifetime bureaucrats, power-mad politicians, and lobbyists on the make.
This is their world and this is what they know.
Now, they enjoy the illusion of being better informed than the rest
of us, so it would never occur to a high official to surf Google News to find
out what is really going on. Thus was it apparently beyond the capacity of FEMA
to find out that the National Weather Service had issued a flood warning soon
after the hurricane hit. The National Weather Service in turn was only
reporting what many private local media outlets were saying.
Certainly the municipal government of New Orleans got the message.
It issued a warning to residents, and then all the officials packed up their
stuff and headed to Baton Rouge. I suppose that this was the plan that the
bureaucrats came up with after having received a $500,000 federal grant in 1997
to design a comprehensive plan for evacuation. Half a million dollars later,
they agreed on what the plan should be. Two words: let's go!
Now, we can learn from observing this. It is always the case that
the government's first interest in a crisis is the protection of itself. The
public interest is way down the list. Government employees have no ancient code
that requires them to go down with the ship. The seafaring captain might feel
disgrace if he lost his crew and passengers but returned safely to shore, but
the government bureaucrat would see this as nothing but rational self-interest
at work. From their point of view, public service is not a suicide pact.
If this is so, are we wise to expect government service at times of
crisis? Well, here is where it gets complicated. They always promise that they
will take care of us. On the day the Hurricane hit, for example, President Bush
made the following announcement: "For those of you who are concerned about
whether or not we're prepared to help, don't be. We are. We're in place. We've
got equipment in place, supplies in place. And once the - once we're able to
assess the damage, we'll be able to move in and help those good folks in the
affected areas."
Well, given the calamity that followed, this statement by Mr. Bush
might as well have been a Soviet propaganda poster about the glorious future of
socialism.
If the only response by government had been to turn and run, they
could be accused of hypocrisy, but it would have been better than the
alternative of bad government that stayed to ruin the work that markets and
private individuals do.
As the Hurricane approached, for example, Mr. Bush, along with
nearly every office holder in the entire region, immediately announced that
there would be no tolerance of so-called price gouging. What is and what is not
gouging remain undefined by law, but there are still criminal penalties
attached to doing it. If you raise your prices to the point where you attract a
complaint, there is a pretty good chance that you will be thrashed as a gouger.
And yet, we have to ask ourselves what the purpose of a price is.
It is a signaling device that allows market players, including both producers
and consumers, to adjust their economic behavior in light of supply and demand.
If supply remains the same and demand rises, the price too will have to rise so
the market can clear properly. Otherwise there will be shortages and surpluses
that will prove to be a benefit to no one. Bill Anderson has called gouging
rules a form of back-door price controls, and he is right. They create victims,
encourage economic dislocations, and foster black markets.
One might think that a Republican administration would understand
this, but reflect on the fact that Iraq still has very strict price controls on
gasoline, controls that were instituted by the US after Saddam was overthrown.
Don't think for a minute that it is beyond the capacity of the Bush
administration to do what the Nixon administration did, which was to believe
that the laws of markets can be overridden by regulatory force.
Anti-gouging laws, to the extent they are obeyed, will create
shortages. But in telling the sad tale of Katrina, I would like to begin not
with a case of shortage, but with a strange case of surplus.
One week after the hurricane, FEMA ordered the Army Corps of
Engineers to buy 211 million pounds of ice from IAP Worldwide Services of
Florida. Trucking companies were notified of a grand opportunity since the
government was paying the bills for delivery, and the dispatchers sent out the
word. There is no space to explore the workings of IAP Worldwide, but I will
observe that the company, which exists solely to get paid by your tax dollars
as a federal contractor, has a new CEO who most recently held the position of
vice president of national security programs for the notorious Kellogg Brown
and Root. His name is David Swindle.
But back to the story of the ensuing chaos. One trucker picked up
ice in Greenville, Pennsylvania, and was told to drive it to Carthage,
Missouri. But when he arrived in Carthage, he was told by a FEMA official to go
to Montgomery, Alabama. After a day and a half sitting in Montgomery, he was
told to go to Camp Shelby, Mississippi, after which he was sent to Selma,
Alabama, after which he was sent to Emporia, Virginia, where he stayed for a
week burning fuel, until he was sent to North Carolina, and finally to Fremont,
Nebraska, where he dropped the ice in a government storage unit. That's 4,000
miles over a period of two weeks.
This was hardly the only case.
The news media chronicled the stories of these truckers. A truck
full of ice was sent from Dubuque, Iowa, to Meridian, Mississippi, then to
Barksdale Base in Louisiana, then to Columbia, South Carolina, and finally to
Cumberland, Maryland, where he waited for six days before being sent to
Bettendorf, Iowa, where the ice was unloaded. Another truck was sent from
Wisconsin to Missouri to Selma to Memphis, Tennessee, before finally dropping
off the ice in a storage unit.
Do you know how many drivers were enlisted in this incredible
charade? 4,000. No one knows for sure how much ice ever got through or how much
if any good it did.
In one of the first incidents reported of what was to be two weeks
of catastrophe, a group of volunteer fire fighters from Houston came to New
Orleans wanting to help. They were told to wait. They waited 48 hours and were
ordered to go back. A group of doctors from Maryland tried to get in but FEMA
sent them on to the Red Cross, which said it could do nothing without the
approval of federal health officials.
After the New Orleans mayor made a call for firefighters to come
help, 1,000 volunteers were sent to Atlanta, where they were put in a
conference room at the Sheraton hotel and subjected to seminars on sexual
harassment and other bureaucratic matters. They were then told that their job
would be to distribute flyers with a message on it: call 1-800-621-FEMA. Many
or even most of these well-trained people left town. Those who stuck it out and
headed for Louisiana were aghast that their first assignment was not to fight
fires, which had been raging for a week, but to escort President Bush on his
TV-laden tour of the area.
You can see all the photos on WhiteHouse.gov.
In fact, FEMA refused offers of help of all sorts, mainly because
of issues of control. FEMA declined help from Amtrak in evacuating people from
New Orleans. The Chicago municipal government wanted to send volunteers from
the fire department, police department, and hospitals all over town, but FEMA
said no. The same happened to New Mexico, whose governor volunteered equipment
and personnel.
FEMA prevented Wal-Mart from delivering three tank trucks full of
water, and the Coast Guard from delivering diesel fuel. It even cut the
communications lines for Jefferson Parish. The local sheriff ended up posting
armed guards to protect the restored lines from FEMA - an interesting model
that many communities around the country would do well to imitate in the
future.
A chief medical officer for a large ambulance company says he was
unable to find helicopters to pick up dying patients at the Superdome. He
walked outside and discovered that two helicopters, donated by an oil services
company, had been ordered to stay in the parking lot. Morticians attempted to
donate their help. But FEMA said absolutely not on grounds that they were not
officially certified by FEMA to perform such services, so the bodies of the
dead piled higher and higher and no one was there to help.
As for the National Guard, for days it would not allow reporters
into the Superdome where tens of thousands were trapped. People were hungry and
thirsty, but the National Guard would not allow the Red Cross to deliver any
food.
Here is the astounding statement from the spokesperson of the Red
Cross: "The Homeland Security Department has requested and continues to request
that the American Red Cross not come back into New Orleans. Right now access is
controlled by the National Guard and local authorities.. We cannot get into New
Orleans against their orders."
The Salvation Army attempted to rescue two of its own officers
trapped in a building and on dialysis. They rented three boats for a rescue.
But they were not allowed through, though to be fair the Salvation Army didn't
specifically name the government as at fault, but it did point out that all
private efforts were running into similar kinds of obstacles, so the message
was clear.
Meanwhile, the USS Bataan, a floating hospital for 600 patients,
that happened to be at sea and rode out the storm, was still sitting empty by
the third day, not permitted to do its job.
An astounding case of ineptness comes to us from the case of three
Duke University students who drove to New Orleans to help but were turned away
by the National Guard. They had seen the news and knew that they could help,
and wondered why they should be pushed around by bureaucrats. Being college
sophomores, they took a risk. They forged press credentials, with fake IDs and
shirts and the works. They went back and adopted a haughty tone. The National
Guard waved them through immediately.
Then the students drove to the Convention Center. There they found
thousands of sick, hungry, thirsty, and dying people in desperate need. They
found a man who had welts all over his body. He was in a tree covered with fire
ants as the flood waters rose, and there he stayed being bitten repeatedly for
up to 24 hours.
The boys picked him up along with three others and drove them to a
Baton Rouge hospital. They made another trip there and back with more people
before they began to become frightened of what the government might do to them.
On one return trip, they observed 150 empty buses driving the other way - and
they have a video to prove it.
One can only express astonishment at how the government treated the
tens of thousands of people that it had herded like cattle into large public
spaces. For reasons that are still unclear, the government couldn't seem to get
its act together on transporting them out even as the people themselves were
forbidden to leave. Once the central planners decided to move all these people
from the Superdome to the Astrodome, no means of transport arrived, even as
aerial photos showed miles and miles of public buses available.
Indeed, the first bus to reach Houston was not driven or approved
by the government. It was commandeered by 20-year-old Jabbar Gibson, who drove
it from the floods and picked up as many people as he could and drove all the
way to Houston, a 13-hour drive! He beat the government's system by a day.
Meanwhile, the tens of thousands of people who had been shoved into the
Superdome on Sunday, before the floods came, were still suffering in that
massive calamity by Friday and Saturday.
Perhaps the most astounding case of incompetence has received the
least attention. It relates to a 500-boat flotilla stretching over 5 miles that
left for New Orleans from Acadiana Mall in Lafayette. It involved 1,000 people
who had hoped to rescue hospital patients and take them to safety. It consisted
of private boaters, fishermen, hunters, and others who had spent their entire
lives navigating Louisiana waterways.
Once this caravan arrived, they were turned away by the Department
of Wildlife and Fisheries, which was now being run by FEMA. All five hundred
boats were turned away and ordered out.
Now keep in mind that this was three days after the hurricane hit.
There were hundreds of people inside the Charity Hospital in New Orleans alone.
They had no supplies and only three had been rescued. At this very time, the
head of the FEMA-ized Wildlife and Fisheries Department announced to the world
on television that it needed no help from anyone and that it had all matters
under control.
Some White House staff members put together a DVD of the evening
news coverage for Mr. Bush to watch on Air Force One, which was the only way
they could get him to understand the depth of the crisis. The purpose of the
action was not so much to help people, of course, but rather to stop the
meltdown of the president's reputation.
In fact, by the time he actually arrived in Louisiana, food and
medicine deliveries, such as they were, were halted on orders of the White
House, to make room for the presidential caravan.
In one particularly interesting detail, Katrina triggered the first
use of the Department of Homeland Security's great accomplishment since it was
created after 9-11: the National Response Plan, a 426-page central plan for
dealing with a crisis on the level of the post-Katrina floods. Here is how the
government describes it:
The National Response Plan establishes a comprehensive
all-hazards approach to enhance the ability of the United States to manage
domestic incidents. The plan incorporates best practices and procedures from
incident management disciplines - homeland security, emergency management, law
enforcement, firefighting, public works, public health, responder and recovery
worker health and safety, emergency medical services, and the private sector -
and integrates them into a unified structure. It forms the basis of how the
federal government coordinates with state, local, and tribal governments and
the private sector during incidents.
What happened to the National Response Plan after the floods? It
remained what it always had been: a colorful PDF download, a thick book on the
management shelves, an item in the Government Printing Office catalog,
bird-cage liner, and many other things. One thing it was not was a national
response plan that did all those glorious things listed above. As with all such
plans from time immemorial, it was a dead letter.
As for the National Guard, when it arrived it did what a military
does best: harass the residents. Working with the police, it began to enforce
an order for everyone to evacuate. As the New York Times summarized the order:
"no civilians in New Orleans will be allowed to carry pistols, shotguns, or
other firearms of any kind."
The National Guard allowed themselves to be videotaped going from
house to house, and mansion to mansion, knocking down doors, searching for
weapons, handcuffing owners and humiliating them. They called these people
"holdouts," a phrase right out of Baghdad.
One storm trooper - that's a pretty good name for them - was asked
whether he would shoot residents if they resisted. Yes, he would, he said. He
added, "It's surreal. You never expect to do this in your own country."
I've provided a look at some of the terrible failures by the
government - not only failing to do what it claimed it would do, but actively
working to prevent others from helping. The cost to human life and prosperity
is incalculable. But, one might say, at least the government is generous now in
preparing to spend perhaps $250 billion to clean up and reconstruct what was
destroyed.
But who will get this money and where will it go? Cynics could not
be more correct: the first company to receive the money was our old friend
Kellogg Brown and Root, a current client of Mr. Bush's former campaign manager
and former head of FEMA. KBR is a subsidiary of Halliburton, the company
formerly headed by Dick Cheney. Another winner is Bechtel, whose former head is
now in charge of Bush's Overseas Private Investment Corp. The top rebuilding
priority: repairing government military bases in Louisiana and Mississippi.
If you work for one of these companies, you will do very well by
this aid. As for the victims, they can expect little from the monstrosity that
taxes and controls them relentlessly on the pretext that it will protect them
and care for them when no one else will.
Fortunately for the people who lived in flooded areas, they did not
face the crisis alone. The private commercial sector, along with thousands of
religious charities, was there to help. Indeed, John Tierney of the New York
Times was one of the few mainstream journalists to notice that Wal-Mart
improved its image after Katrina. Its stores in the disaster-stricken areas
still carried generators. Wal-Mart trucks rode into areas immediately following
the hurricane and gave away chain saws, boots, sheets, and clothes for
shelters, plus water and ice. It alone had prepared for emergency with its own
emergency operations center.
Chris Westley further noted that Wal-Mart gave $20 million in cash
donations, 1,500 truckloads of free merchandise, food for 100,000 meals, and
the promise of a job for every one of its displaced workers. After comparing
FEMA's failures with Wal-Mart's successes, he concluded that government
emergency management ought to be abolished.
Tierney, however, drew the wrong conclusion. He said that the
Wal-Mart CEO "is the kind of leader we need to oversee the tens or hundreds of
billions that Washington will be spending on the Gulf Coast. [President] Scott
could insist on low everyday prices while still leaving the area as well
prepared for the next disaster as Wal-Mart was for Katrina."
In fact, if Lee Scott were given a government job, it would only be
a matter of time before he became just another Michael Brown, the disgraced
former FEMA head. This isn't a matter of character. It is a matter of the maze
in which you find yourself, with market-generated exit signs, or none at all,
thanks to the government.
As Walter Block, Mark Thornton, and many others have shown, it was
not the storm as such that did the damage, but the failure of the government
levees. Combined with the levees-only river management strategy of the Army
Corps of Engineers, the floods were a disaster waiting to happen. Just imagine
if the town were private like your home or car. Insurance companies would have
taken a huge role in risk assessment, not only charging more for higher risk
but insisting on management strategies that reduce risk and rewarding those who
adopt those strategies with better premiums. This works on the same principles
as your homeowners' insurance, which combines rules and incentives to reduce
the likelihood of losses.
Government insurance, however, makes us less cautious and more
willing to take risks. It prices coverage from losses far too low and creates
an environment where disasters like flooding are waiting to happen. With
programs like subsidized flood insurance, government is like a bad mother who
pays her children to run with scissors.
Government ownership is even worse because there are no signaling
systems in operation at all. It was also the government that created a false
sense of security for people in New Orleans, who were led to believe that the
levees would hold and pumps would work. And when the floods finally did come,
they were told the government would be there to manage the crisis.
But the government cannot manage crises, as the response to Katrina
demonstrated. The local government fled. The state government was dithering.
And the federal government actively worked to prevent good things from
happening. The thousands and millions of acts of private heroism that took
place after Katrina occurred despite government and not because of it.
And yet what lessons does the political culture want us to take
from this? It is the same lessons we are instructed to learn after NASA spends
and spends and still can't seem to make a reliable space shuttle. We are told
that NASA needs more money. The public schools absorb many times more -
thousands times more - in resources than private schools, and still can't
perform. So we are told that they need more money.
The federal government spends trillions to "protect" the country
and can't fend off a handful of malcontents with an agenda. And so we are told
that the government needs to start several new wars and erect a massive new
bureaucracy and put sections of the country under martial law at the slightest
sign of trouble. And spend more money.
So too, Congress can allocate a trillion dollars to fix every
levee, fully preventing the last catastrophe, but not the next one. The real
problem is the same in all these cases, not insufficient resources but public
ownership and management.
Public ownership has encouraged people to adopt a negligent
attitude toward even such obvious risks. But private developers and owners, in
contrast, demand to know every possible scenario as a way to protect their
property. But public owners have no real stake in the outcome and lack the
economic capacity to calibrate resource allocation to risk assessment. In other
words, the government manages without responsibility or competence.
Actually, it was Mr. Bush who said one of the most sensible things,
on September 2, 2005, "If you want to help, if you're listening to this
broadcast, contribute cash to the Salvation Army and the Red Cross.. They're on
the front lines providing help to the people who need help."
But it was two weeks later when his other instincts kicked in and
he delivered a very different message, one that is deeply alarming. He said:
"It is now clear that a challenge on this scale requires greater federal
authority and a broader role for the armed forces - the institution of our
government most capable of massive logistical operations on a moment's notice."
Interesting that his beloved military was not there at a moment's
notice. It now cites its own failures as the great excuse to expand its powers.
So the government will spend the next several years preparing for another
Katrina that will never come, just as it spent the last several years preparing
for another 9-11 that will never come. The next crisis will be something
completely unexpected, and once again the government will fail. But we will be
left with a government with some very bad habits, among which are declarations
of martial law, mandatory evacuations, gun and price controls, and other
totalitarian ways.
And given that this is a Republican administration with its own
internal culture, and its attachment to military means, we get what can only be
described as the continuation of the fascist track: the militarization of the
country under its own armed forces.
So far as I know, this passing remark by Mr. Bush has provoked no
commentary in the national press. Commentators in the organized conservative
movement have displayed an appalling deference to the administration's
priorities, with National Review consistently arguing for more spending and
militarization, Rush Limbaugh calling for price gougers to be strung up, and
even some free-market friends calling for billions to rebuild New Orleans as a
way of showing terrorists that we won't let the weather get in the way of
progress. On the last point, I kid you not.
Conservatives have been especially bad on tolerating egregious uses
of the military. We need to reflect on what it means to have the military take
over in the event of crisis. What kind of ideology promotes such things, and
looks the other way when it happens? I think I know, and it serves as a
reminder that not all threats to freedom come from the left.
A clue comes from the neo-Nazi novel called The Turner Diaries,
sometimes cited as the motivating force for the bombing of the Oklahoma federal
building, which ends in what the author regards as the utopian political
system. After a world war that exterminates all non-whites, a military regime
takes over the United States and centrally plans the economy under martial law.
All food and water are distributed on military trucks, all production takes
place on a planned basis, and the merchant class is required to obey or be
shot. The government also places flower boxes under every window.
The author describes this race-based national socialism as if it
were a system with an inherent appeal to the reader, and perhaps there are
people economically ignorant enough and full of enough loathing for humanity
and freedom to regard it as attractive. I do know that in our own times there
are people waiting in the wings who long for power and who are drawn to the
ideal of a militarized society and a centrally managed economy. Some call
themselves conservatives, and they are as much a threat to civilization as
those with the same ideas who call themselves liberals.
But let me end with several notes of optimism. The first is implied
in all that I said above. The government cannot actually do what it promises,
and there is a way in which we can only be thankful for that. It cannot succeed
in managing a central plan. Its plans will always fail. The government tries to
use its failures as an excuse for more power, but with every failure comes a
substantial degree of public humiliation for the public sector, and that
humiliation can provide a basis for the undoing of government authority.
Some people say that a loss of government authority will mean the
breakdown of civilization. Actually it will create the preconditions for the
reestablishment of civilization, and in a state of freedom that can happen very
quickly. The aftermath of Katrina illustrated in a million individual acts of
charity and enterprise that people can manage their affairs, even amidst the
chaos.
The calamity following Katrina was an egregious display, one that
gave the federal government a black eye. The Democrats will continue to use
this to harm the Republicans, which is fine by me, but it is not just Mr. Bush
that is suffering, but the whole apparatus of central planning by decree from
above. A government that cannot manage a crisis should not be trusted to manage
anything at all. Thanks to Katrina and its dreadful aftermath, I think it's
fair to say that the age of not trusting government has returned with a
vengeance.
It took decades for the rot to give away underneath the Soviet
apparatus of central planning. But eventually the implausibility of the entire
project was no longer possible to deny. It gave way under an intellectual
reaction against the whole of socialism. We are seeing something like that take
place today, as government fails in Iraq and New Orleans and in every place
around the country and the world where it causes problems and creates no
solutions.
The age of confident central planning is behind us. Right now, the
state is just trying to keep its head above water. If freedom is to have a
future, the time will come when it will sink to an ignoble end, and we will
wonder how we ever believed in this myth called government crisis management.
The advocates of freedom and the partisans of private enterprise
will be there with the intellectual equivalent of flotillas, barges, buses,
helicopters, and the whole apparatus necessary to rescue liberty from every
attempt to kill it. And when our City on a Hill comes to be, it will be
privately built to withstand any flood.
This speech was delivered at the Mises Institute's conference on
The Economics of Fascism.
October 8, 2005
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him mail] is president of the
Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com and
author of Speaking of Liberty.
Copyright © 2005 LewRockwell.com
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