Market Utopians
Don Boudreaux  
In today's Wall Street Journal, Jeffrey Hart _makes an argument_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB113564361018331773.html?mod=opinion_main_commentaries)
  
that I first  encountered in _John Gray's work_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1565845927/qid=1135700461/sr=2-1/ref=pd_bbs_b_2_1/002-9782236-4980013?s=book
s&v=glance&n=283155) : 
At length, the free market triumphed through much of the  world, and today 
there are very few socialists in major university economics  departments, an 
almost total transformation since 1953. But the utopian  temptation can turn 
such 
free-market thought into a utopianism of its own --  that is, free markets to 
be effected even while excluding every other value  and purpose … … such as 
Beauty, broadly defined [original  elipses].
Such a claim reveals a poor knowledge and understanding of  economics.  
(Among other books that I can recommend to Prof. Hart is Tyler  Cowen's _In 
Praise 
of Commercial Culture_ 
(http://www.lfb.com/index.php?deptid=&parentid=&stocknumber=CL8185&page=1&itemsperpage=24)
 , which clearly explains -- using facts 
and economic reasoning -- how  markets promote rich cultures, graced with much 
beauty.) 
I would like Profs. Hart or Gray or anyone else to direct me to  any work by 
any respected free-market economist that portrays free markets as  utopian.  
Perhaps such a work exists.  If so, I've yet to encounter  it.  If any Cafe 
Hayek reader knows of such a work, please direct me to  it. 
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December 26, 2005
Who You Gonna Call?
Don Boudreaux  
Which places on the Katrina-ravaged gulf coast do you suppose  are being 
cleaned up faster and at lowest cost: those locales that rely  principally on 
the 
private sector to supply clean-up services, or those locales  that rely upon 
Uncle Sam? 
Today's New York Times gives _the answer_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/25/national/nationalspecial/26debris.html?adxnnl=1&emc=eta1&adxnnlx=1135609436-ygh
RBRgr/bFqr0TVJH3f6Q) . 
(Hat tip to fellow Louisiana native Fred Dent.) 
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December 25, 2005
To Want or Not to Want
Don Boudreaux  
Cafe Hayek reader Keith, after reading _this recent post_ 
(http://cafehayek.typepad.com/hayek/2005/12/the_toll_of_eco.html)  on 
toll-roads,  asks me: "Why 
do you  [meaning me, Don Boudreaux] insist on criticizing  people's 
preferences?  Haven't we Americans rejected toll roads long enough  to convince 
any fair 
minded person that we don't want them?  You may not  like our preference, but 
at least shouldn't you respect it?" 
With respect, I respect any preference that reflects a genuine  willingness 
of those with the preference to bear personally all necessary costs  to indulge 
the preference.  But I do not respect 'cheap' preferences --  preferences 
that are merely expressions backed-up with no personal stake in  indulging the 
preferences. 
Suppose I invent a machine that allows me to transfer to anyone  I wish the 
ill-consequences of my drinking too much wine.  I drink goo-gobs  of wine in 
the evenings and just before stumbling off drunk to bed I press a  button and, 
voila!, the hangover that I would have awakened with in the  morning will now 
be suffered by my neighbor, who has no earthly idea what's  happening to him.  
Likewise for the calories and any detriments to health  and career caused by 
overdrinking.  I enjoy all the benefits of boozing but  I off-load the costs 
onto someone else who has no say in the matter. 
My machine is quite reliable.  Everytime I drink, I press  my machine's 
button and I keep the benefits of boozing but my unwitting neighbor  suffers 
the 
costs. 
What do you expect will happen to my pattern of drinking?   Let me assure you 
that I'd drink a lot more than I drink now.  I love wine  and, I don't mind 
saying, I love also the intoxication that wine induces.   I limit my drinking 
because I understand that overdoing it has significant  personal costs to me 
and my family. 
Now suppose in this fantasy world with this machine I tell you  that I want 
to be able to drink every night without limit.  Would you  believe me?  You'd 
have reason to do so, for in a way I really do want to  drink every night 
without limit.  If I really had that machine (and I  really did not have the 
decency that keeps me from shifting such a cost to  someone else), I'd shift 
the 
costs of drinking onto my neighbor and guzzle  nightly. 
But if in the real world -- the world without any such machine  -- I tell you 
"I want to drink every night without limit," what would I  mean?  If I didn't 
have personally to bear the costs of drinking heavily I  would indeed "want" 
to do so.  But because I do have personally to  bear the costs of drinking 
heavily, in fact I don't want to do so. 
My saying, in these real-world circumstances, that "I  want to drink every 
night without limit" is nothing more than a loose,  slang use of the verb "to 
want."  After all, if I really wanted to drink  much more heavily than I now 
do, 
I could easily do so.  But I never do --  because I am unwilling to bear the 
awful costs of suffering hangovers and severe  risks to my health and career. 
The point, in short, is that we use the verb "to want" in very  different 
ways.  Some "wants" are worthy and ought to be respected; other  "wants" are 
irresponsible and cavalier -- indeed, not really wants at  all. 
I want you to read also _this essay_ 
(http://www.fee.org/publications/the-freeman/article.asp?aid=4978)  that I 
wrote on the  confusing usage of the verb 
"to want."
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The Beauty and Power of Undesigned Order
Don Boudreaux  
I love _this  blog-pos_ (http://hnn.us/blogs/entries/19793.html) _t_ 
(http://hnn.us/blogs/entries/19793.html)  entitled "Of Social  Snowflakes..." 
by Steve 
Horwitz.  It's inspired by _this photograph_ 
(http://www.marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2005/12/merry_christmas_1.html)
  of a real  snowflake.  
Here's Steve's concluding paragraph: 
My fervent wish for the 21st century is that more smart and  caring people 
can begin to see and appreciate "social snowflakes." People who  are so willing 
to accept the existence and beauty (and benevolence!) of  undesigned order in 
the natural world should be more willing to open  themselves to the 
possibility that there are processes of undesigned order at  work in the social 
world 
too. These people know that no one can make a  snowflake, but seem blind to the 
fact that much of the innocent blood that was  spilled in the last century was 
because too many people thought they could  intelligently design the social 
world. Not repeating those mistakes will  require a renewed aesthetic 
appreciation of, and deep desire to understand,  the awesome beauty and 
complexity of 
the undesigned order of "social  snowflakes."

Steve's point goes nicely, by the way, with _this post_ 
(http://www.marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2005/12/why_people_dont.html)
  from Tyler  
Cowen. 
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It Takes a Tough Man to Make a Tender Chicken
Don Boudreaux  
Soon after the Berlin wall crashed down on November 9, 1989,  Pepsi Cola ran 
a television ad celebrating the wall's fall -- an ad, I believe,  showing 
celebrants at the wall drinking Pepsi.  I recall that some American  pundits 
were 
horrified, asking -- rhetorically, in their minds -- if eastern  Europeans 
wanted freedom merely to drink Pepsi.  (I can find no link to  this ad, but 
_this 
interview_ (http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/14/leslie-savan.html)  
mentions  it.) 
My reaction to this question was and remains "Well, yes, in  large part.  
People want freedom not just to do great and momentous  things.  Mostly, they 
want freedom to pursue their everyday pleasures and  dreams and interests as 
they 
wish without interference from others.  Access  to more and better 
soft-drinks, in itself, is a small thing -- but it's  certainly part of the 
reason why 
people want to be free.  And celebrating  these quotidian freedoms, even in a 
Pepsi commercial, is  appropriate." 
For some reason I recalled that Pepsi-commericial brouhaha today  when I read 
in today's New York Times Magazine _this interesting recollection_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/25/magazine/25perduehoffman-1.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=11355
48836-8ynZ2osG1l78l9xJ7bSW2g)  of  Frank Perdue, the Marylander who became 
wealthy growing, slaughtering, and  selling chickens. 
Too many people -- such as those who were offended by  Pepsi-Cola, Inc., 
associating freedom with joyously drinking soft-drinks --  disdain everyday 
freedoms as well as everyday commercial and industrial  activities made 
possible by 
these freedoms and that, in turn, make these  freedoms more valuable to each 
of us. 
I hope I'm wrong (I really do), but I fear that too many people  who read the 
following about Frank Perdue will regard such efforts as  contemptible, low, 
mean, almost comical, unworthy of being ranked as  great.  In fact, such 
efforts are precisely the sort that makes our  prosperity so vast and deep. 
But what was its [a Perdue chicken's] unique selling  proposition? To hear 
Perdue himself tell it, his chickens were just plain  better than anybody 
else's. His son, Jim, says that when his father decided in  the late 1960's to 
cut 
out the middleman and sell his chickens directly to  grocery stores, he spent 
six months on the road, talking to butchers about  what qualities they liked to 
see in their chickens. "He identified 25 items on  a chicken that they cared 
about," Jim Perdue said. They wanted yellow  chickens, so Frank Perdue fed his 
poultry grain that gave the meat a golden  hue. They didn't like little hairs 
left over on the wings after plucking, so  Perdue had his engineers develop a 
torch that would singe the hairs off. They  wanted more white meat, so he 
mated a meaty-breasted Cornish male with a White  Plymouth Rock female to 
create 
the Perdue pedigree. They didn't want bruised  meat, so Perdue set strict 
protocols for handling live chickens. He was  obsessive about knowing 
everything 
there was to know about chickens - and  about maintaining what heviewed as the 
superior quality of Perdue Farms'  birds.

Looking at a reel of old Perdue ads, this obsession is  striking. 

In the earliest commercial, he talks about how well his  chickens are fed - 
including "pure well water to drink." In another, he  complains that his 
competitors freeze their meat. To drive the point home, he  hammers a nail into 
a 
piece of wood with a frozen chicken. He talks about how  he had to develop his 
own breed because no other chicken in the world was good  enough for Perdue 
Farms. And he constantly needles the federal government,  claiming he inspects 
chickens better than it does.
Ain't it great that someone -- someone who is a stranger to  almost all of 
America's chicken eaters -- spent his valuable time traveling  around asking 
butchers what features make a good chicken?  Ain't it great  that Frank Perdue 
cared about the water his chickens drank?  Ain't it great  that he bred a new 
breed of chicken?  Sure, he did all this to make money  for himself.  But so 
what?  His means of making money inspired him to  care deeply about what the 
typical chicken eater likes and dislikes about  chicken. 
Why is it that so many people admire the likes of FDR and LBJ  who uttered 
fine phrases but whose ideas of helping people never went beyond  stealing from 
some, showering part of the booty on others, and bureaucratically  regulating 
everyone? 
Frank Perdue alone has contributed more to our quality of life  than has any 
politician you care to name. 
This claim of mine will strike many as over the top.  But I  mean it 
literally.  Perdue persuaded people to buy his  chickens.  Politicians force 
people to 
do their bidding.   Those in the force business are inherently less likely to 
care deeply about  people -- about real, flesh-and-blood people in all of our 
diversity -- than are  those, like Frank Perdue, whose success depends 
critically upon  persuading millions of people to buy, and keep buying, their  
products.
Update: Muck and Mystery _gently plucks my feathers_ 
(http://www.garyjones.org/mt/archives/000236.html)  by arguing that (1)  
there's nothing really 
special about Frank Perdue, for the production and  distribution practices that 
Perdue followed are standard practice in the poultry  industry, so (2) Perdue's 
real genius lay in advertising to promote himself and  his firm, and (3) that 
insofar as Perdue and other poultry producers do  contribute to our well-being, 
it's the system that encourages such  wealth-creating efforts.
I'm happy, although not suprised, to learn that Perdue's  best-practices are 
industry standard.  My point was not so much to praise  Frank Perdue 
personally (although I do regard him as praiseworthy).  My  point was to 
celebrate the 
fact that we have an economic system that prompts  Perdue, and Tyson's, and 
you-name-the-entrepreneur each to spend enormous  amounts of creativity and 
effort doing things that we consumers never become  consciously aware of -- but 
things that we nevertheless value and benefit  from.  So, indeed, the system is 
of paramount importance -- but this fact  doesn't mean that we can't admire 
the many instances of creative human  productive efforts that it unleashes.
On the merits of advertising, I'll just recommend _one of my favorite books 
on the topic_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0936488212/qid=1135597581/sr=1-9/ref=sr_1_9/002-9782236-4980013?s=books&v=glance&n=283155)
 . 
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December 23, 2005
Adam Smith: Yokel
Don Boudreaux  
_In today's New York  Times_ 
(http://select.nytimes.com/2005/12/23/opinion/23krugman.html) , Paul Krugman 
calls _supply-side economics_ 
(http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/SupplySideEconomics.html)  -- by which 
_Krugman means_ 
(http://www.pkarchive.org/economy/TaxCutCon.html)  the idea that tax  cuts can 
generate higher tax revenue for government-- as "hokum for the  yokels." 
_Krugman has long ridiculed_ 
(http://www.pkarchive.org/economy/TaxCutCon.html)  the idea that for  thirty 
years now in the U.S. has been known as "the 
Laffer curve."  Indeed,  as his "hokum for the yokels" remark makes clear, 
Krugman 
sneers at _the Laffer curve_ 
(http://www.heritage.org/Research/Taxes/bg1765.cfm) . 
My first reaction, whenever I read Krugman's (or anyone else's)  dismissal of 
the Laffer curve as illogical hooey, is to wonder if Krugman ever  studied 
the concept of _own-price elasticity of demand_ 
(http://www.uri.edu/artsci/ecn/mead/INT1/Mic/Overview/Over.elast.html) . 
For the non-economists among you, this concept is taught in  Economics 101, 
and explains that firms that raise their prices do not always  earn higher 
sales revenue; their revenue can and often does fall.  (To see  the point 
clearly: 
ask youself what would happen if, say, Starbucks raised the  price it charges 
for a tall latte to $1,000.)  Likewise, firms can often  increase their sales 
revenue by cutting their prices. 
But Cafe Hayek's Russ Roberts has a different thought: he knows  that the 
Laffer-curve idea didn't originate in the United States during the  1970s.  
Russ 
knows that it expresses a truth so fundamental that thoughtful  thinkers from 
even long ago understood it -- thoughtful thinkers such as _Adam Smith_ 
(http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Smith.html) . 
_Here's_ 
(http://www.econlib.org/library/Smith/smWN21.html#B.V,%20Ch.2,%20Of%20the%20Sources%20of%20the%20General%20or%20Public%20Revenue%20of%20the%20Socie
ty)  the great Scot writing in  Book V, Chapter 2 of The Wealth of Nations: 

The high duties which have been imposed upon the importation  of many 
different sorts of foreign goods, in order to discourage their  consumption in 
Great 
Britain, have in many cases served only to encourage  smuggling, and in all 
cases have reduced the revenue of the customs below what  more moderate duties 
would have afforded. The saying of Dr. Swift, that in the  arithmetic of the 
customs two and two, instead of making four, make sometimes  only one, holds 
perfectly true with regard to such heavy duties which never  could have been 
imposed had not the mercantile system taught us, in many  cases, to employ 
taxation as an instrument, not of revenue, but of  monopoly. 

Does the above sound like hokum for yokels -- or hokum  from a yokel? 
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December 22, 2005
The Byrd is at least wounded
Russell Roberts  
The Washington Post (rr) _reports_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/12/21/AR2005122102074.html)
  that the Senate has voted  to 
kill the Byrd Amendment:  
The Senate action, which came as part of a broader  budget bill that passed 
with Vice President Cheney's tie-breaking vote, would  phase out the Byrd 
amendment, a five-year-old measure especially popular with  lawmakers from 
industrial states heavily affected by foreign competition. The  House has 
already 
voted to repeal the amendment, named for Sen. Robert C. Byrd  (D-W.Va.), in 
nearly 
identical legislation. 
Yes, it would be especially popular with lawmakers from  industrial states:  
According to the Byrd amendment, whenever the  government finds U.S. 
companies to be disadvantaged by the dumping of imported  goods at unfairly low 
prices, the duties collected on those goods can go to  the companies rather 
than to 
the Treasury. 
Don't you love that phrase, "disadvantaged by the dumping of  imported goods 
at unfairly low prices"? Of course if you're a domestic producer,  all low 
prices charged by foreign competitors are unfairly low. And of course  all low 
prices put domestic producers at a disadvantage. The problem with  anti-dumping 
low is the definition of "unfair." The way that it is actually  defined is 
comically arbitrary and creates endless opportunities for domestic  firms to 
enter the anti-dumping lottery in hopes of forcing higher prices on  
competitors. 
What the Byrd amendment does is doubly reward that lottery effort.  Not only 
does anti-dumping law force foreign prices higher but it channels the  fines to 
the domestic firms.  
You can't have everything:  
The repeal would be delayed for two years, giving  some U.S. lumber firms and 
other companies the chance to continue receiving  substantial sums under the 
amendment. That compromise was necessary to secure  yesterday's vote. 
Taking time to phase something in is generally a good idea to  allow people 
time to react to the new rules. But I wonder if this repeal will be  repealed 
two years from now.  
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Americans are Wealthy (and Getting Wealthier)
Don Boudreaux  
In a famous (or infamous, depending on your perspective) article  on growing 
income-inequality in America - _an article_ 
(http://www.pkarchive.org/economy/ForRicher.html)  that appeared in the October 
20, 2002  issue of the New York 
Times Magazine - Paul Krugman wrote the  following: 
Although America has higher per capita income than other  advanced countries, 
it turns out that that's mainly because our rich are much  richer. And here's 
a radical thought: if the rich get more, that leaves less  for everyone else. 
 
That statement -- which is simply a matter of  arithmetic.... 

This reasoning, despite its coating of cockiness, is  terribly, inexcusably 
wrong. 
The simplest way to see why it's wrong is to recall a  principle that 
_Krugman once wrote about_ (http://web.mit.edu/krugman/www/ricardo.htm)  so  
eloquently: David Ricardo's _principle of comparative advantage_ 
(http://internationalecon.com/v1.0/ch40/40c000.html) .  This is  not the place 
to do more with that 
principle beyond relating its conclusion: as  people specialize in those 
productive tasks for which they enjoy a comparative  advantage, and then 
exchange 
their output with others who also specialize  according to their comparative 
advantages, all parties to this process  of specialization and exchange are 
made wealthier.  Total wealth  grows. 
Indeed, if you understand the principle of comparative  advantage, you 
understand that "it's simply a matter of arithmetic" that when  two or more 
people 
specialize according to their comparative advantages, more  wealth is produced. 
A very different way to challenge the claim that the  rich get rich at the 
expense of the poor (or, more specifically, that America's  middle-class is 
disappearing, or that the typical American has suffered  stagnation in his 
living 
standards since the mid-1970s) is to look seriously at  the data.  A recent 
serious look at the data appears in _this superb article_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB113513427028228173-email.html)  from  
yesterday's Wall Street 
Journal.  It's written by Stephen Moore  and Lincoln Anderson.  (Unfortunately, 
access to the WSJ requires  a paid subscription.)  Here are some key lines from 
the Moore-Anderson  article: 

What the [Census Bureau and Fed] reports tell us is  that the vast majority 
of Americans have not bumped into income  glass-ceilings, but rather are 
experiencing an astonishing pace of upward  income mobility. The Census data 
from 
1967 to 2004 provides the percentage of  families that fall within various 
income ranges, starting at $0 to $5,000,  $5,000 to $10,000, and so on, up to 
over 
$100,000 (all numbers here are  adjusted for inflation). These data show, for 
example, that in 1967 only one  in 25 families earned an income of $100,000 or 
more in real income, whereas  now, one in six do. The percentage of families 
that have an income of more  than $75,000 a year has tripled from 9% to 27%. 
But it's not just the rich that are getting richer.  Virtually every income 
group has been lifted by the tide of growth in recent  decades. The percentage 
of families with real incomes between $5,000 and  $50,000 has been falling as 
more families move into higher income categories  -- the figure has dropped by 
19 percentage points since 1967. This huge move  out of lower incomes and 
into middle- and higher-income categories shows that  upward mobility is the 
rule, not the exception, in America today. 
...... 
Turning from income to wealth, data from the Fed  provide further 
confirmation of family economic gains for the middle class.  The total net 
worth of 
Americans rose to just shy of $50 trillion in 2004. The  Fed has not yet 
calculated 
the median household wealth for 2004, but we  estimated that number by taking 
the average ratio of mean wealth to median  family wealth over the past 10 
years. This yields an estimate of $105,000 in  2004. This is almost double the 
median family-wealth level of 1983 and nearly  triple the level of 1962. Until 
very recently, for a family to attain six  figures of wealth was considered 
quite rich. Despite all of the groans about  the over-indebtedness of American 
households, the new Federal Reserve Board  data suggest that the family balance 
sheet is not highly levered. The ratio of  debt to assets is only 18.3%. 

Data, of course, can always be challenged.  But  look around you at the cars 
on the road (they're safer and break down much less  frequently than in the 
past), the mobile telephony that nearly everyone today  possesses, the variety 
of items available in a typical supermarket, and I think  you'll find that 
everyday observations square with Moore's and Anderson's  account. 
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December 21, 2005
Twelve Myths
Don  Boudreaux  
Will Rogers is said to have said that “It  isn’t what we don’t know that 
gives us trouble, it’s what we know that ain’t  so.” 
So I offer here my own unscientifically  compiled list of the dozen most 
pernicious economic myths held by non-economists  (and, sadly, in some cases by 
economists).  I determine the degree of perniciousness by a combination of what 
I sense  to be the myths’ prevalence, the stubbornness with which people cling 
to them,  and their consequences for public policy. 
12. A trade deficit is  debt. 
11. A trade deficit is  bad. 
10. Imports are the cost we suffer in order  to enjoy the benefit of 
exporting. 
9.  Corporate managers are driven by  stock-market pressures to run their 
firms so that profits are maximized in the  short-run, at the expense of the 
long-term productive capacities of the  companies. 
8.  Prices and wages are arbitrarily  set by businesses. 
7.  To oppose regulation by government  is to oppose regulation; it is to 
desire that businesses are unconstrained in  their industrial and commercial 
actions. 
6.  To insist that government do  nothing more than stick to protecting 
citizens against the initiation of  violence is to insist either that each 
person 
is an asocial, atomistic loner  motivated only by narrow selfishness, or that 
each person should  be an asocial, atomistic loner motivated only by narrow  
selfishness. 
5.  More people necessarily means a  level of per-capita well-being that is 
lower than it would otherwise  be. 
4.  _The chief cause of modern prosperity is  technology_ 
(http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/tribune-review/opinion/columnists/boudreaux/s_376496.html)
 . 
3.  Democratically chosen government  officials generally act with the 
intention of promoting the public interest, and  they are uniquely positioned 
and 
qualified to determine what the details of the  public interest are and to know 
best how to promote that  interest. 
2.  The collective is just like an  individual; it has feelings, desires, 
likes, and dislikes; it chooses and it  acts. 
1.  All law is created by, and enforced  by, the state. 
Posted in _Myths and Fallacies_ 
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December 20, 2005
The Intangible Wealth of Nations
Don Boudreaux  
Judging from _this post_ 
(http://econlog.econlib.org/archives/2005/12/intangible_weal_1.html)  by Arnold 
Kling, and _this summary_ 
(http://www.reason.com/rb/rb121605.shtml)  by Ron Bailey, _this new book_ 
(http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTEEI/214578-1110886258964/20748034/All.pdf)
  from the World Bank  
makes a point that's vital and all but completely overlooked, even by the very  
best economists.  (The point is very much a Julian Simon one.) 
Capital is mostly a process; not a stock of stuff.  Capital  largely is a 
process of peaceful cooperation; a division of labor ever-deepened  by market 
signals that contain more information than noise; an openness to  economic 
dynamism; a culture of surpressing envy and applauding (or at least  
tolerating) 
honest success; a widespread acceptance of the difference between  mine and 
thine, and an abhorence of those who refuse to accept this distinction;  an 
acceptance, at least in practical affairs, of science, logic, and reason and  a 
rejection in these affairs of faith, mysticism, and  
tradition-for-the-sake-of-tradition. 
These intangibles go way beyond inventories, machines, and even  precise bits 
of technical know-how.  They are the bedrock of civilization  and prosperity. 
Posted in _Standard of Living_ 
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