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Wednesday, Mar 15, 2006  
 
America, Where What's Yours Is Ours
The Supreme Court has made land theft legal, but it cannot make it moral.

By Marc Guttman


Published on 3/15/2006 in Editorial » Perspective  


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Weare, N.H., citizens voted yesterday on two candidates for Board of Selectmen 
who ran on the platform of seizing Supreme Court Justice David Souter's home to 
build The Lost Liberty Hotel in retaliation for his vote in the Court's 
decision on Kelo v. New London. While this proposed initiation of force is no 
more right than the one legalized by the court last summer, it redraws 
attention to an issue of national importance. 
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that in the public's interest of local economic 
improvement, it is legal for the government of New London to seize privately 
owned homes and deliver them to private developers. The property owners, 
represented by the libertarian firm, the Institute for Justice, argued that the 
city violated the Fifth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which allows 
government to take property for a “public use” as long as it provides just 
compensation. 
The Court's ruling embraced a broad concept of what constitutes a public use 
and infringed on the property rights of these unfortunate citizens. New 
London's action is simply theft. The initiation of force, even for a perceived 
good, will always lead us down harmful paths. This ruling has caused many to 
pause to consider whether they truly own what they have earned or whether 
everything belongs to the state and those able to garner government's favors. 
This has been a concern of libertarian-minded people since our country's 
inception. 
Justices Stephen Breyer and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, appointees of former President 
Bill Clinton, joined Justices John Paul Stevens, Anthony Kennedy, and David 
Souter in the majority decision. They affirmed, “the disposition of this case 
therefore turns on the question of whether the city's development plan serves a 
'public purpose' ... promoting economic development is a traditional and long 
accepted function of government. There is, moreover, no principled way of 
distinguishing economic development from the other public purposes that we have 
recognized.” 
Please check the Constitution. Promoting economic development is not a function 
of our government, and there is a principled way of distinguishing economic 
development from “public purposes.” Private enterprise in no way falls into 
what critically needs to be a narrow and firm definition of a “public good,” 
such as clean air and water. If we choose not to stick with a strict definition 
of true public goods, then what you have earned for your family belongs to who 
ever can gain government favor, whether it is the wealthy contributors or the 
agenda of a powerful voting block whose votes politicians are eager to secure. 
A definition of public good should not be what the voting majority decides. 
This is why the framers, who abhorred democracy, created a constitutional 
republic that would protect the individual from the “tyranny of the majority.” 
To them, democracy is two wolves and a lamb deciding what to eat for dinner. 
The recent oppression of New London's citizens is another example. 
People are free to interact with one another through voluntary trade, 
negotiation, and cooperation, not by infringing on property rights, lives or 
liberty. In the absence of an incontestable public good, we should not support 
companies stripping people of their property through government force any more 
than we should support companies using thugs with axe-handles. The Supreme 
Court has made such theft legal, but it cannot make it moral. 
Libertarian-minded people agree with the dissenting opinion of Justices Sandra 
Day O'Connor, Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and William Rehnquist, that, 
“the Court abandons this long-held basic limitation on government power. Under 
the banner of economic development, all private property is now vulnerable to 
being taken and transferred to another private owner, as long as it might be 
upgraded ... but the fallout from the decision will not be random. 
Beneficiaries are likely to be citizens with disproportionate influence and 
power in the political process, including large corporations and development 
firms. As for the victims, the government now has license to transfer property 
from those with few resources to those with more.” 
Justice Thomas said seizing homes for private development, even with “just 
compensation,” is unconstitutional. “The consequences of today's decision are 
not difficult to predict, and promise to be harmful,” Thomas wrote. “So-called 
'urban renewal' programs provide some compensation for the properties they 
take, but no compensation is possible for the subjective value of these lands 
to the individuals displaced and the indignity inflicted.” 
Since the Kelo decision, we have seen two patterns nationwide. While several 
communities are drafting legislation to strengthen local property rights, many 
communities emboldened by the ruling are moving to acquire land from private 
citizens to redistribute to corporations, developers,and to preserve as open 
space. 
So that people will not have “disproportionate influence” over others, it is 
necessary to reclaim the extended, unconstitutional powers government has 
stolen from the individual over the last several decades. George Washington 
rightly explained that government is force. This force must be contained and 
not wielded by the highest bidders. Our government was to protect us from force 
and fraud, not initiate it. 
Marc Guttman lives in Niantic.  

 
 

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