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            Jose Padilla and the Military Commissions Act
            by Jacob G. Hornberger
            by Jacob G. Hornberger 

                     
            DIGG THIS

            Anyone who hoped that U.S. military detention of Americans accused 
of terrorism expired with the transfer of American citizen Jose Padilla from 
military custody to Justice Department custody have seen their hopes dashed by 
the Military Commissions Act that the president signed into law yesterday. 
Although the act limits to foreign citizens the use of military tribunals and 
the denial of habeas corpus, any person, including American citizens, can still 
be labeled and treated as an "unlawful enemy combatant" in the war on 
terrorism. 

            What does that mean for the American people? It means the same 
thing it did for Jose Padilla. You'll recall that Padilla was arrested in 
Chicago for terrorism and transferred to military custody, where, according to 
Padilla, he was tortured and involuntarily injected with drugs. 

            The government's position is that since the entire world is a 
battlefield in which the war on terrorism is being waged, U.S. officials now 
have the power to arrest any American suspected of terrorism, place him in 
military custody, and subject him to the same "unlawful enemy combatant" 
treatment that Padilla received, until the war on terrorism has finally been 
won, no matter how long that takes. 

            You'll recall that the government's position was that Padilla, as 
an "unlawful enemy combatant" suspected of having committed terrorist acts, was 
not entitled to the procedural rights guaranteed to criminal defendants in the 
Bill of Rights, including the rights to counsel, due process, and trial by 
jury. 

            The district court ruled in favor of Padilla at his habeas corpus 
hearing, but the Second Circuit Court of Appeals reversed that decision, 
upholding the government's "unlawful enemy combatant" argument for Padilla and, 
by implication, all other Americans. 

            Before the Supreme Court could rule on Padilla's appeal from the 
Second Circuit's decision, the government announced that it wished to transfer 
him from military control to federal-court control on the basis of a grand jury 
indictment charging him with terrorism. The Supreme Court permitted the 
transfer and declined to hear Padilla's appeal because the case was now "moot," 
given that Padilla was no longer being held by the military but instead was 
being held by the Justice Department as a criminal defendant. That left the 
Second Circuit decision upholding the "unlawful enemy combatant" designation 
intact. 

            Even if Padilla is acquitted in the federal-court action, there is 
little doubt that the Pentagon will immediately take him back into military 
custody as an "unlawful enemy combatant" in the war on terrorism, requiring 
Padilla to once again embark, in a habeas corpus proceeding, on a long legal 
journey to the Supreme Court. 

            Currently, under the Second Circuit's decision in Padilla, and now 
also under the Military Commissions Act, the president has the power to order 
the military arrest and incarcerate any number of Americans suspected of 
terrorism. Americans would still have the right to file a petition for writ of 
habeas corpus in federal court because the Military Commissions Act cancelled 
that right only for foreigners, not Americans. Keep in mind, however, that a 
habeas corpus hearing is not a full-blown trial to determine guilt or innocence 
but is simply designed to determine whether the government has legal 
justification for holding a prisoner. All the government would have to do at 
the habeas corpus hearings is provide some evidence that the Americans it is 
holding in military custody have engaged in some act of terrorism and then cite 
the Second Circuit opinion and the Military Commissions Act in support of its 
power to continue detaining them. 

            Of course, the cases would ultimately go to the Supreme Court, but 
that would inevitably entail a lengthy delay, a period of time during which 
lots of Americans could be tortured, abused, and even "accidentally" killed, 
just as foreign "unlawful enemy combatants" in U.S. military custody have been. 
Moreover, there is no guarantee that the Supreme Court will rule against the 
government. 

            How does an American who is labeled an enemy combatant ultimately 
get tried? Answer: he doesn't. Under the Military Commissions Act, trial by 
military tribunal is limited to foreigners. So, even though Americans still 
have the use of habeas corpus (so far) to test whether their detention is 
lawful, if the Supreme Court ultimately upholds the "unlawful enemy combatant" 
designation for people accused of terrorism, Americans will be returned to 
indefinite military custody as "unlawful enemy combatants" if the government 
has provided some evidence of terrorism at the habeas corpus hearing. 

            The irony is that while foreigners will be accorded the kangaroo 
tribunal treatment, Americans accused of terrorism will continue to languish in 
military prison indefinitely without the benefit of a trial. Of course, given 
that the tribunals will have the power to impose the death penalty, Americans 
might do well not to complain about their indefinite detention. 










            October 19, 2006

            Jacob Hornberger [send him mail] is founder and president of The 
Future of Freedom Foundation. He will be among the 22 speakers at FFF's 
upcoming conference on June 1-4 in Reston, Virginia: "Restoring the 
Constitution: Foreign Policy and Civil Liberties."

            Copyright © 2006 Future of Freedom Foundation

            Jacob Hornberger Archives 
           
     
     
        
     
        
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