The Best Friend of Instability and Islamism:  George W. Bush 
December 29, 2006
Ivan Eland



As 2006 comes to a close, the world is in flames and George W. Bush's foreign 
policy is both directly and indirectly to blame. He has caused a civil war by 
invading Iraq, continued an occupation of Afghanistan that motivated a revival 
of the deposed radical Islamist Taliban movement, pushed for elections in 
Palestine that elected the Islamist group Hamas, cooperated with Israel's 
failed attack on Lebanon that enhanced the status of the Islamist group 
Hezbollah in that country's politics, and created an al Qaeda-friendly Islamist 
threat to Somalia by supporting unpopular warlords. What other foreign policy 
disasters can George W. Bush perpetrate in his last two years in office?

Wars often beget civil wars and insurgencies, and the U.S. invasion of Iraq has 
given us both. According to the President, a unified democratic Iraq would be a 
model for the Middle East, thereby causing democratic reforms in other Arab 
countries that would result in more stability and less terrorism. Even if Iraq 
miraculously ends up as a democracy, it hardly would be a model. Other Arabic 
societies would probably conclude that they don't want to go through that much 
pain to have a more open political system. More likely, Arab peoples would make 
the negative association of democracy with the military occupation of an 
"infidel" superpower, thereby reducing the chances that democracy would spread 
in the Middle East. More likely still, Iraq will not be a unified democracy and 
thus won't provide a model, except for chaos and mayhem. Most Arabs quite 
perceptively believe that "democracy" is a smoke screen for the Bush 
administration's hypocrisy and ulterior motives in the region. They see the 
hypocrisy of the intense U.S. pressure against the Islamists who run Iran, 
which has at least a bit of democracy in its system, while standing behind the 
governments of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, which are heavily reliant on the 
support of Islamists, but have no democracy at all. And while the Bush 
administration shuns the radical Islamic Shi'ite government in Iran, it 
actively supports a government in Iraq that has a bedrock of support from 
radical Iran-supported Shi'ites. Lastly, even the U.S. intelligence community 
acknowledges that the U.S. invasion of Iraq has exacerbated terrorism 
worldwide. In reality, Iran and al Qaeda, two of the United States' principal 
adversaries, are the biggest beneficiaries of the Iraq War.

Even if the post-9/11 U.S. invasion of Afghanistan and its removal of the 
Taliban government were justified, the Bush administration made a strategic 
error in trying to complete a political makeover of the country into a 
democracy using occupation forces. As in Iraq, the presence of non-Muslims on 
Muslim soil fuels the Islamist fervor to kick the "infidels" out. One major 
factor in the discredited Taliban's resurgence has been the continued presence 
of U.S. forces in Afghanistan. A better strategy would have been for the United 
States to withdraw its forces, and tell Afghans that they could choose any form 
of government that they wanted, but emphasize that any government sheltering 
anti-U.S. terrorists would again be taken out.

Israel, the chief U.S. ally in the Middle East, originally supported the 
creation of the radical Islamist group Hamas to compete with Fatah, Israel's 
nemesis. More recently, the United States pressured Israel to allow elections 
in Gaza and the West Bank, which unsurprisingly brought Hamas to power in the 
Palestinian Authority. Leading to Hamas' election victory was the Bush 
administration's continued support for and subsidization of Israel's refusal to 
give back all of the occupied territories to the Palestinians. Now, Israel may 
have a civil war on its borders in those territories.

Ehud Olmert, Israel's weak prime minister, used Hezbollah's killing and capture 
of a few Israeli soldiers as a pretext to launch a disproportionate pummeling 
of all of Lebanon. The war, designed to strengthen him at home, was botched and 
had the opposite effect. More important, it strengthened the Islamist group 
Hezbollah within Lebanon and in the Islamic world. Thus, Lebanon's newly won 
independence from Syrian occupation and its democratic experiment may be 
extinguished on the road to civil war.

Finally, the Bush administration actually created the current Islamist threat 
to Somalia. The Islamists were not that potent a force in Somalia until the 
administration, through the CIA, began to support their opponents-unpopular 
warlords. The Islamists then became wildly popular and have taken over southern 
Somalia. With a wink and a nod from the administration, Ethiopia has now sent 
troops to fight the Islamists, triggering a nationalist backlash in Somalia 
that further helped the Islamists. The conflict in Somalia has already made 
that nation a haven from which al Qaeda can launch attacks elsewhere, and may 
be the spark that will ignite a regional war on the Horn of Africa.

Not every problem in the world can be laid at George W. Bush's doorstep, but 
the aforementioned ones were generated by his aggressive foreign policy or 
similar policies he encourages in U.S. allies. The United States and the world 
would have been better served by the more "humble" foreign policy that the 
president promised us in his first presidential campaign in 2000. In 2007, 
perhaps these disasters will make a stubborn president learn his lessons, but 
probably not.


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Ivan Eland
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Ivan Eland is Director of the Center on Peace & Liberty at The Independent 
Institute and Assistant Editor of The Independent Review. Dr. Eland is a 
graduate of Iowa State University and received an M.B.A. in applied economics 
and Ph.D. in national security policy from George Washington University. He has 
been Director of Defense Policy Studies at the Cato Institute, Principal 
Defense Analyst at the Congressional Budget Office, Evaluator-in-Charge 
(national security and intelligence) for the U.S. General Accounting Office, 
and Investigator for the House Foreign Affairs Committee. 
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