Attorney General Gonzales claims there is no right of habeas corpus. We need 
a NEW ATTORNEY GENERAL
  WATCH THE ACTUAL VIDEO HERE:
  http://thinkprogress.org/2007/01/19/gonzales-habeas/
  
Yesterday, (Jan. 18, 2007) during Senate Judiciary Committee hearings, Attorney 
General Alberto Gonzales claimed there is no express right to habeas 
corpus in the U.S. Constitution. Gonzales was debating Sen. Arlen 
Specter (R-PA) about whether the Supreme Court's ruling on Guantanamo 
detainees last year cited the constitutional right to habeas corpus. 
Gonzales claimed the Court did not cite such a right, then 
added, "There is no express grant of habeas in the Constitution. " 

Specter pushed back. "Wait a minute. The constitution says you can't 
take it away, except in the case of rebellion or invasion. Doesn't 
that mean you have the right of habeas corpus, unless there is an 
invasion or rebellion?" Specter told Gonzales, "You may be treading 
on your interdiction and violating common sense, Mr. Attorney 
General." 

As McJoan noted, the right of habeas corpus is clear in Article I, 
Section 9, Clause 2 of the Contitution: "The Privilege of the Writ of 
Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of 
Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it."

Full transcript: 

SPECTER: Where you have the Constitution having an explicit provision 
that the writ of habeas corpus cannot be suspended except for 
rebellion or invasion, and you have the Supreme Court saying that 
habeas corpus rights apply to Guantanamo detainees — aliens in 
Guantanamo — after an elaborate discussion as to why, how can the 
statutory taking of habeas corpus — when there's an express 
constitutional provision that it can't be suspended, and an explicit 
Supreme Court holding that it applies to Guantanamo alien detainees.

GONZALES: A couple things, Senator. I believe that the Supreme Court 
case you're referring to dealt only with the statutory right to 
habeas, not the constitutional right to habeas. 

SPECTER: Well, you're not right about that. It's plain on its face 
they are talking about the constitutional right to habeas corpus. 
They talk about habeas corpus being guaranteed by the Constitution, 
except in cases of an invasion or rebellion. They talk about John 
Runningmeade and the Magna Carta and the doctrine being imbedded in 
the Constitution. 

GONZALES: Well, sir, the fact that they may have talked about the 
constitutional right to habeas doesn't mean that the decision dealt 
with that constitutional right to habeas. 

SPECTER: When did you last read the case? 

GONZALES: It has been a while, but I'll be happy to — I will go back 
and look at it. 

SPECTER: I looked at it yesterday and this morning again. 

GONZALES: I will go back and look at it. The fact that the 
Constitution — again, there is no express grant of habeas in the 
Constitution. There is a prohibition against taking it away. But it's 
never been the case, and I'm not a Supreme — 

SPECTER: Now, wait a minute. Wait a minute. The constitution says you 
can't take it away, except in the case of rebellion or invasion. 
Doesn't that mean you have the right of habeas corpus, unless there 
is an invasion or rebellion? 

GONZALES: I meant by that comment, the Constitution doesn't 
say, "Every individual in the United States or every citizen is 
hereby granted or assured the right to habeas." It doesn't say that. 
It simply says the right of habeas corpus shall not be suspended 
except by — 

SPECTER: You may be treading on your interdiction and violating 
common sense, Mr. Attorney General. 

GONZALES: Um.
==========================
  http://www.consortiumnews.com/2007/011807.html
              Gonzales Questions Habeas Corpus
  By Robert Parry 
January 19, 2007

  In one of the most chilling public statements ever made by a U.S. Attorney 
General, Alberto Gonzales questioned whether the U.S. Constitution grants 
habeas corpus rights of a fair trial to every American.
  Responding to questions from Sen. Arlen Specter at a Senate Judiciary 
Committee hearing on Jan. 18, Gonzales argued that the Constitution doesn’t 
explicitly bestow habeas corpus rights; it merely says when the so-called Great 
Writ can be suspended.
  “There is no expressed grant of habeas in the Constitution; there’s a 
prohibition against taking it away,” Gonzales said.
  Gonzales’s remark left Specter, the committee’s ranking Republican, 
stammering.
  “Wait a minute,” Specter interjected. “The Constitution says you can’t take 
it away except in case of rebellion or invasion. Doesn’t that mean you have the 
right of habeas corpus unless there’s a rebellion or invasion?”
  Gonzales continued, “The Constitution doesn’t say every individual in the 
United States or citizen is hereby granted or assured the right of habeas 
corpus. It doesn’t say that. It simply says the right shall not be suspended” 
except in cases of rebellion or invasion.
  “You may be treading on your interdiction of violating common sense,” Specter 
said.
  While Gonzales’s statement has a measure of quibbling precision to it, his 
logic is troubling because it would suggest that many other fundamental rights 
that Americans hold dear also don’t exist because the Constitution often spells 
out those rights in the negative.
  For instance, the First Amendment declares that “Congress shall make no law 
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of 
the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress 
of grievances.”
  Applying Gonzales’s reasoning, one could argue that the First Amendment 
doesn’t explicitly say Americans have the right to worship as they choose, 
speak as they wish or assemble peacefully. The amendment simply bars the 
government, i.e. Congress, from passing laws that would impinge on these rights.
  Similarly, Article I, Section 9, of the Constitution states that “the 
privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in 
Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.”
  The clear meaning of the clause, as interpreted for more than two centuries, 
is that the Founders recognized the long-established English law principle of 
habeas corpus, which guarantees people the right of due process, such as formal 
charges and a fair trial.
  That Attorney General Gonzales would express such an extraordinary opinion, 
doubting the constitutional protection of habeas corpus, suggests either a 
sophomoric mind or an unwillingness to respect this well-established right, one 
that the Founders considered so important that they embedded it in the original 
text of the Constitution.
  Other cherished rights – including freedom of religion and speech – were 
added later in the first 10 amendments, known as the Bill of Rights.
  Ironically, Gonzales may be wrong in another way about the lack of 
specificity in the Constitution’s granting of habeas corpus rights. Many of the 
legal features attributed to habeas corpus are delineated in a positive way in 
the Sixth Amendment, which reads: 
  “In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed … and to be informed of the nature and cause of 
the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; [and] to have 
compulsory process for obtaining witnesses.”
  Bush's Powers
  Gonzales’s Jan. 18 statement suggests that he is still seeking reasons to 
make habeas corpus optional, subordinate to President George W. Bush’s 
executive powers that Bush’s neoconservative legal advisers claim are virtually 
unlimited during “a time of war,” even one as vaguely defined as the “war on 
terror” which may last forever.
  In the final weeks of the Republican-controlled Congress, the Bush 
administration pushed through the Military Commissions Act of 2006 that 
effectively eliminated habeas corpus for non-citizens, including legal resident 
aliens.
  Under the new law, Bush can declare any non-citizen an “unlawful enemy 
combatant” and put the person into a system of military tribunals that give 
defendants only limited rights. Critics have called the tribunals “kangaroo 
courts” because the rules are heavily weighted in favor of the prosecution.
  Some language in the new law also suggests that “any person,” presumably 
including American citizens, could be swept up into indefinite detention if 
they are suspected of having aided and abetted terrorists.
  “Any person is punishable as a principal under this chapter who commits an 
offense punishable by this chapter, or aids, abets, counsels, commands, or 
procures its commission,” according to the law, passed by the 
Republican-controlled Congress in September and signed by Bush on Oct. 17, 2006.
  Another provision in the law seems to target American citizens by stating 
that “any person subject to this chapter who, in breach of an allegiance or 
duty to the United States, knowingly and intentionally aids an enemy of the 
United States ... shall be punished as a military commission … may direct.”
  Who has “an allegiance or duty to the United States” if not an American 
citizen? That provision would not presumably apply to Osama bin Laden or 
al-Qaeda, nor would it apply generally to foreign citizens. This section of the 
law appears to be singling out American citizens.
  Besides allowing “any person” to be swallowed up by Bush’s system, the law 
prohibits detainees once inside from appealing to the traditional American 
courts until after prosecution and sentencing, which could translate into an 
indefinite imprisonment since there are no timetables for Bush’s tribunal 
process to play out.
  The law states that once a person is detained, “no court, justice, or judge 
shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider any claim or cause of action 
whatsoever … relating to the prosecution, trial, or judgment of a military 
commission under this chapter, including challenges to the lawfulness of 
procedures of military commissions.”
  That court-stripping provision – barring “any claim or cause of action 
whatsoever” – would seem to deny American citizens habeas corpus rights just as 
it does for non-citizens. If a person can’t file a motion with a court, he 
can’t assert any constitutional rights, including habeas corpus.
  Other constitutional protections in the Bill of Rights – such as a speedy 
trial, the right to reasonable bail and the ban on “cruel and unusual 
punishment” – would seem to be beyond a detainee’s reach as well.
  Special Rules
  Under the new law, the military judge “may close to the public all or a 
portion of the proceedings” if he deems that the evidence must be kept secret 
for national security reasons. Those concerns can be conveyed to the judge 
through ex parte – or one-sided – communications from the prosecutor or a 
government representative.
  The judge also can exclude the accused from the trial if there are safety 
concerns or if the defendant is disruptive. Plus, the judge can admit evidence 
obtained through coercion if he determines it “possesses sufficient probative 
value” and “the interests of justice would best be served by admission of the 
statement into evidence.”
  The law permits, too, the introduction of secret evidence “while protecting 
from disclosure the sources, methods, or activities by which the United States 
acquired the evidence if the military judge finds that ... the evidence is 
reliable.”
  During trial, the prosecutor would have the additional right to assert a 
“national security privilege” that could stop “the examination of any witness,” 
presumably by the defense if the questioning touched on any sensitive matter.
  In effect, what the new law appears to do is to create a parallel “star 
chamber” system for the prosecution, imprisonment and possible execution of 
enemies of the state, whether those enemies are foreign or domestic.
  Under the cloak of setting up military tribunals to try al-Qaeda suspects and 
other so-called “unlawful enemy combatants,” Bush and the Republican-controlled 
Congress effectively created a parallel legal system for “any person” – 
American citizen or otherwise – who crosses some ill-defined line.
  There are a multitude of reasons to think that Bush and advisers will 
interpret every legal ambiguity in the new law in their favor, thus granting 
Bush the broadest possible powers over people he identifies as enemies.
  As further evidence of that, the American people now know that Attorney 
General Gonzales doesn’t even believe that the Constitution grants them habeas 
corpus rights to a fair trial.
  -------------
  Follow up articles:
  http://www.juniorg-manaward.com/watch.php
  http://www.thenewamerican.com/artman/publish/article_1903.shtml


  
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