Even my senile memory recalls how we were bombarded with horror stories 
of the injustice of "apartheid" in S Africa before 1994.
Now, 13 years after so called democracy in that unfortunate country, 
the US media is virtually silent as South Africa rapidly sinks in 
anarchy. An anarchy very little different from that of much of 
sub-saharan African states
Here an essay by a white woman, one of more than a million whites who 
have left S Africa since 1994, in many ways a critical brain drain.

THE UGLY TRUTH ABOUT DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA

Tuesday, December 19, 2006


I sincerely hope that events in Iraq have inched Americans toward a 
less Disneyfied view of democracy. It is a mistake to doggedly conflate 
democracy with freedom, and "the freedom to vote" with liberty. 
Majority rule, especially as it applies in Middle Eastern and African 
countries, doesn't always empower the right people.

Which brings me to another, less-than Magic Kingdom: my old homeland, 
South Africa, RIP.

The irony of President Bush's December 8 meeting with Thabo Mbeki, 
South Africa's president, went unnoticed. Democratic South Africa is 
yet another spot where the rule of the demos has turned a 
once-prosperous, if politically problematic, place into a lawless 
ramshackle.

South Africa is now the most violent country outside a war zone. The 
country, writes Scott Baldauf of the Christian Science Monitor, has 
"the highest recorded per capita murder rate in the world—with 59 
homicides per 100,000 people … The US, by comparison, had 6."  So 
violent is the "free" South Africa that, for a period, the freewheeling 
African National Congress government imposed an official blackout on 
national crime statistics. It now releases them once yearly.

In 2003, South Africa had 21,553 murders (population 44.6 million). In 
comparison, the "high crime" United States (population 288.2 million) 
suffered 16,110 murders in the same year. According to Baldauf, the 
number of homicides in South Africa dipped to 19,824 in 2004. The US, 
with 293 million at the time, had 16,150.

The last statistics available, courtesy of the CBS, "showed that 
between April 2004 and March 2005, 18,793 people were murdered in South 
Africa, an average of 51 a day in a nation of 47 million." There were 
24,516 attempted murders, 249,369 assaults with grievous injury, and 
55,114 reported rapes. (And by rape we don't mean what American women 
consider rape: waking up the next morning after a romp between the 
sheets with a hangover and some regrets.)

As ghastly as the official figures are, they're most probably doctored. 
Rob McCafferty, author of "Murder in South Africa: a Comparison of Past 
and Present," notes that "Interpol have South African murder statistics 
that are roughly double the official South African state statistics, 
while the South African Medical Research Council claims there are 
approximately a third more murders in South Africa than the official 
police statistics reveal." A discrepancy of over 10,000 murders is, 
shall we say, more than a margin of error.

Yet Westerners, conservatives included, praise the new dispensation in 
my old home. According to a columnist for The American Conservative, 
South Africa represents "the greatest triumph of chatter over 
machine-gun clatter." "It's not perfect," this flaccid fool effuses, 
"and crime is at an all-time high in South-African cities, but at least 
the massacres are a thing of the past and life goes on much better than 
before."

False. Few people know that during the decades of the repressive 
apartheid regime, only a few thousand Africans perished as a direct 
result of police brutality. A horrible injustice, indubitably, but 
nothing approximating the carnage under "free" South Africa, where 
thousands of Africans perish every few months. (Let us not beat about 
the bush; crime in South Africa is black on black and black on white.)

Take the travails of my extended family. Ordinarily, a one-case study 
does not a rule make. But not in this instance—you'd be hard pressed to 
find a family in democratic South Africa whose members have not been 
brutalized by barbarians. Mine includes a sister-in-law suffering 
permanent neurological damage after being assaulted by five Africans; a 
brother burglarized and beaten in his suburban fortress at 2:00am by an 
African gang (wife and infant son were miraculously spared). My 
father's neighbor was shot point-blank in front of his little girls, as 
he exited his car to open the garage gates. My husband's cousin and 
uncle were hijacked; aunt beaten within an inch of her life and raped. 
Two of his colleagues (that we know of) were murdered; one shot by 
African taxi drivers in broad daylight, as he left his girlfriend's 
apartment.

Despite the oppressive, undesirable, political aspects of apartheid, 
law and order was maintained and common criminals were pursued and 
prosecuted, to the benefit of all. To appropriate the gallant words of 
Gen. Sir Charles Napier: Before 1994, when African men raped infants 
because the "practice" is considered a traditional salve for AIDS, 
South African policemen followed their custom: they tied a rope around 
the rapist's neck and hung him.

Since the near-total collapse of law and order, the conviction rate 
hovers at 2.96 percent!

Much the way Americans dismantled Iraq's law and order apparatus, the 
democratically elected ANC retired most of the old South African Police 
and set about reconstructing a politically correct—and 
representative—force. The demotic orgy of crime reflects the 
capabilities of the renamed South African Police Service's—it is mostly 
an illiterate, ill-trained force, riven by feuds, fetishes, and 
factional loyalties. In Africa, moreover, as in the Middle East, the 
extractive view of politics dominates—people seek personal advantage 
from positions of power.

Corruption is thus the rule, not the exception.

Readers will often admonish me for dismissing those ink-stained Iraqi 
fingers. I tell them I've lived under a relatively peaceful 
dictatorship and was fortunate to escape a violent mobocracy. I tell 
them that voting is synonymous with freedom only if strict limits are 
placed on the powers of elected officials and only if individual rights 
to live unmolested are respected.

In South Africa, as in Iraq, these conditions do not apply.

By Ilana Mercer


Ilana Mercer
www.ilanamercer.com


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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