"Are you crazy?   No. "Crazy" describes someone whose behavior or thinking is 
irrational - for example, his opinions do not rationally follow from his 
premises, or his premises bear no relation to reality. 
The crazy ones around here are those that observe the massive chaos and 
destruction wrought by governments always and everywhere, yet who support their 
continuance so as to avoid chaos and destruction. Yes, that does mean that most 
of the world is mad."--The Anarchist Alternative.info FAQS

             
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            The Downfall Continues
            by Butler Shaffer
            by Butler Shaffer 

                     
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            Hardly a day passes without some people-pusher emerging to propose 
yet another intrusion upon the liberties of people to control their own lives. 
A California legislator has proposed legislation that would make spanking a 
child under three years of age a crime, subject to a $1,000 fine or one year in 
prison. This measure follows in the trail of such offerings as prohibitions 
upon smoking, the criminalization of parents who allow their children to get 
sun-burned, the banning of trans fats in food preparation, the regulation of 
eating habits to prevent obesity, penalizing motorists who express anger while 
driving, and, well, the pattern is doubtless already familiar to you. Not to be 
left out of the collective mania, the mayor of a Texas town has now proposed 
making it a misdemeanor to utter a racial slur.

            Such statist programs have elicited the expected responses from 
rational minds: they intrude upon matters which, whether one approves of the 
targeted actions or not, are best left to the determination of individuals or 
families. That these efforts violate the free speech, liberties, and/or 
property rights of people - interests that government officials took an oath to 
defend but now scurry to violate in the most detailed manners - is beyond 
question. But there is a deeper meaning to these intrusions that is overlooked, 
the implications of which portend the continuing collapse of 
vertically-structured institutional systems.

            It is part of the nature of conscious beings to focus attention on 
events that are immediately before us, and to overlook the more distant 
consequences of our actions. Frédéric Bastiat addressed such tendencies in his 
essay on "what is seen and what is not seen." In a lesson long since lost on 
modern minds, Bastiat informed his readers of how the immediate benefits of a 
government program masked adverse consequences that get lost in the allure of 
the moment. Thus, do we now understand how minimum wage laws increase 
unemployment, the prohibition of alcohol and drug usage generate more 
consumption of the banned substances, and the coercive nature of American 
foreign policies have produced the reactions of "terrorist" groups that the 
institutional order tries to explain away as nothing more than hatred of our 
virtues and lifestyles.

            It is becoming increasingly evident from the study of complexity 
that what our dualistic minds have learned to separate into mutually exclusive 
categories conceals an "interrelatedness" essential to the well-being of each. 
Thus does the police system depend upon criminals, just as lawyers require 
disputes, the morally self-righteous need sinners, and orthodontists need 
overbites. Such interconnected relationships, I believe, help to explain the 
current frenzy to have the state micromanage every conceivable expression of 
human behavior.

            The institutionally-structured world we have been conditioned to 
regard as essential to both our individual and social well-being, has been in a 
state of collapse for a number of decades. The unexpected end of the Soviet 
Union has been, perhaps, the most dramatic example of this centrifugation of 
authority. But the decentralization of social systems has also found expression 
in such areas as the education of children, alternative health care practices, 
and the development of technologies that place more decision making in the 
hands of individuals. The Internet now threatens the influence - if not the 
very existence - of the long-established "mainstream media." Broadcast and 
print journalism - premised upon the top-down model in which an authoritative 
few communicate to the rest of mankind what it is in their interests to have 
others believe - now face a horizontal system in which hundreds of millions of 
people exchange information over tens of thousands of independent websites, 
such as the one you are now reading.

            All of this foreshadows what appears to be the breakdown of 
traditional social systems that operate on the pyramidal model of the vertical 
and bureaucratic direction of mankind. The presumed capacity of those at the 
top of the pyramid to gather information imagined to be otherwise unavailable 
to ordinary people and to promulgate policies and practices that would lead to 
predictable and favorable results, has been the central article of faith in 
society. The premise is virtually synonymous with all forms of political 
behavior, but also finds itself generally expressed throughout the business 
community, organized religions, and school systems. Its underlying assumption 
has never been more clearly expressed than it was by former Defense Secretary 
Robert McNamara, who employed it to help engineer the slaughter of hundreds of 
thousands of human beings during the Vietnam War: "Vital decision-making, 
particularly in policy matters, must remain at the top. This is partly, though 
not completely, what the top is for."

            As institutional authority continues to collapse into decentralized 
networks of autonomous individuals, those whose conditioned mindset is unable 
to imagine a world functioning without formal direction and control experience 
a chilling fear. To such people, social systems that run themselves without 
superintendence is not only disturbing to their ambitions for power, but a form 
of fanciful thinking. At what is no doubt an unconscious level, such persons 
seek to revivify the dying model by its endless reiteration throughout the 
realm of human activity. Such people bear a sad but frightening resemblance to 
brain-injured people described by Abraham Maslow as wanting "to manage to 
maintain their equilibrium by avoiding everything unfamiliar and strange and by 
ordering their restricted world in such a neat, disciplined, orderly fashion 
that everything in the world can be counted upon." 

            There is a compulsiveness to such behavior; a faith that the rote 
repetition of a familiar pattern will reconfirm its vibrancy. I have often used 
the metaphor of a chicken that has just had its head chopped off: it 
reflexively flails about in a wild, noisy, and bloody display, but its fate is 
sealed. Such, I believe, helps to explain the reactive mindset of modern 
people-pushers who see their world of vertical power-structures being enervated 
by life forces over which they are losing control.

            Those who wish to criminalize the spanking of children, or the 
uttering of racial slurs, or eating the wrong foods, are being driven by the 
same energy that now leads the United States into an obsession with conducting 
wars. It matters not who the momentary enemies happen to be: Afghans, Iraqis, 
Somalians, or Iranians. As we have seen, war is a way of revitalizing the 
authority of the state. The crumbling foundations of vertical power systems can 
be shored up - temporarily - by making people fearful, for fear restores the 
herd impulse. I wonder whether previous civilizations whose collapses were 
preceded by expansions of the war system, were playing out the same dynamics 
one sees in modern America.

            But as we have learned so painfully since 9/11, war itself has 
become decentralized. American soldiers - whose behaviors and modes of 
organization represent the centralized order as much as did the British 
"redcoats" during the Revolutionary War - continue to die at increasing rates 
at the hands of decentralized Iraqi "insurgency" forces. The interests of the 
American political establishment - both Republican and Democrat - are grounded 
in the perpetuation of the dying model, which leads its political voices to 
continue advocating centrally-directed solutions grounded in the presumptions 
of power. The statists need the problems they seek to overcome in order to 
rationalize their appetites for authority over others. If such "problems" were 
to disappear, new ones - such as fattening foods or parents who spank - will 
have to be fabricated. This is why Republicans and Democrats continue to read 
from the same script: to propose a fundamental change in direction would be to 
abandon the state's vertically-structured model altogether.

            President Bush has proposed sending an additional 20,000 troops to 
Iraq, a move grounded in the political assumption that resistance to state 
violence can be overcome by increasing the level of violence! Such an effort 
can only reinforce the destructive consequences - to both Iraqis and Americans 
- of a desperate policy driven by a desire to reverse the inevitable 
decentralization of human society and the dismantling of power structures. As 
with all political action, such thinking suffers from the failure to ask the 
right questions and, when the answers continue to be self-defeating, to respond 
with the same thinking. 

            Both President Bush as well as those who want to send parents to 
prison for swatting their children's behinds, are each seeking to reconfirm the 
validity of an antiquated system that no longer satisfies people's 
expectations. Such statists are trying to ride the same dying horse, whose 
failure to respond, they believe, can only be overcome by a stronger whip.

            January 25, 2007

            Butler Shaffer [send him e-mail] teaches at the Southwestern 
University School of Law. He is the author of Calculated Chaos: Institutional 
Threats to Peace and Human Survival.

            Copyright © 2007 LewRockwell.com

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