Israel and Iran – and the Bush Administration
by Gabriel Kolko

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ko7.html&title=title=_ 
(http://digg.com/submit?phase=2&url=http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/kolko7.html&title=Israel)
   and Iran – and the  Bush
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There  has been a qualitative leap in military technology that makes all
inherited  conventional wisdom, and war as an instrument of political
policy, utterly  irrelevant, not just to the United States but also to
any other state that  embarks upon it. Nations should have realized this
a century ago but they did  not. But there have been decisive changes in
balances of power, and more  accurate and destructive weapons – and
soon nuclear bombs and the missiles to  deliver them – are becoming
more and more available to the poorer countries.  Technology is moving
much more rapidly than the diplomatic and political  resources or will to
control its inevitable consequences.

The United  States should have learned its lesson in Vietnam, and its
public is aware of  it to a far greater extent than its politicians. The
war in Iraq has  reaffirmed the decisive limits of technology when
fighting against enemies  who are decentralized and determined. It has
been extraordinarily expensive  but militarily ineffective, and America
is ineluctably losing its vast  undertaking. Rivals are much more equal,
and wars more protracted and  expensive for those who persist in fighting
them. America's ambitions for  hegemony throughout the globe can now
be more and more successfully  challenged. Nowhere is this truer than the
Middle East, where the U.S.'  long-standing alliance with Israel,
which shares its fascination with  military power, has produced colossal
political failures for both  nations.

The ultra-modern Israel Defense Force finally learned this in  Lebanon
last July, when Hezbollah rockets destroyed or seriously damaged  at
least 20 of its best tanks and they were fought to a draw –
abandoning  the field of battle and losing their precious myth of
invincibility. Growing  demoralization well before the Lebanon war
plagued Israel, and the percentage  of Jews with higher academic degrees
that migrated grew steadily after 2002.  Israel exports brainpower to an
extent very high by world standards. The  Lebanon war and talk – both
from Israeli and Iranian leaders – of  "existential" threats to the
state's very existence only gravely aggravated  this defeatism and
the desire to leave. At the end of January, 78 percent of  the Israeli
public was "unhappy" with their leaders for a variety of  reasons.

Israeli politics has always been highly unstable by any standard  but the
corruption and other scandals that are now plaguing it exceed any in  its
history, paralleling its loss of confidence in its military  power.
Alienation from the political class in Israel has never been greater  and
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and his cronies hope that spreading fear  of
the Iranian bomb will help them ride out a political storm that has  seen
his poll-rating plummet to a record low. But fear works both  ways,
frightening the people who can migrate most easily and keeping  out
tourists and foreign investors.

Moreover, the Israeli public's  anxiety has not been lessened by
reports of the efficacy of anti-missile  systems that Israel has
installed at great expense. The Iranians have  mastered all of the
technical bases of missile technology, according to  Israeli experts, and
although the quality and precision of its missiles may  leave something
to be desired they can inflict immense damage. Israeli  specialists also
argue that the missile defense shield that Israel possesses  – in
common with those of all other nations – is not sufficient to
protect  it. Syria has missiles also – not so effective as the
Iranian but much closer  and capable of inflicting much damage if used.

Notwithstanding the  apocalyptic proclamations on Iran's imminent
nuclear power by Olmert's major  rival, Binyamin Netanyahu, or by the
prime minister himself and some of his  cabinet on occasion, this
hysteria is politically motivated and intended to  garner public support.

Meir Dagan, the head of Mossad, told the Israeli  Knesset last December
that diplomatic efforts were "far from being over" –  and that an
Iranian nuclear bomb was at least two years or more off. Many  Israeli
strategists, including Yuval Diskin, head of Shin Bet, now  regard
Bush's war in Iraq as a highly destabilizing disaster for the  entire
region and a major boon to Iran's power, and they regret  having
endorsed it. A war with Iran would be far more dangerous. Worse  yet,
efforts to demonize Iran have failed. Only 36 percent of the  Jewish
population of Israel polled last month thought an Iranian nuclear  attack
the "biggest threat" to Israel.

Serious Israeli strategists  overwhelmingly believe, to cite Reuven
Pedatzur in Ha'aretz last November,  that "mutual assured deterrence,
can be forged, with high degree of success,  between Israel and Iran."
Israeli strategic thinking is highly realistic.  Early this February a
study released at a conference by the Institute for  National Security
Studies at Tel Aviv University predicted that Iran would  behave
rationally with nuclear weapons and "that the elimination of Israel  is
not considered to be an essential national interest" for it. Iran  "will
act logically, evaluating the price and risks involved." A  preemptive
attack on Iran nuclear research sites would "be a strategic  mistake,"
Pedatzur warned the conference, and the use of tactical nuclear  weapons
against them sheer folly. "Our best option is open nuclear  deterrence."

Israeli experts have come to the realization that American  policy in the
Middle East is not merely an immense failure but also a  decisive
inhibition to Israel reorienting its foreign policy to confront  the
realities of the region that the Jews have chosen to live in. It  has
ousted the Taliban from Afghanistan and Saddam Hussein from Iraq  and
created an overwhelming Iranian presence. In Palestine its campaign  for
democracy has brought Hamas to power. Troop escalation in Iraq is  deemed
futile. "It's a total misreading of reality," one Israeli expert  is
quoted when discussing America's role in the region. Israeli
interests  were no longer being served. American policies have failed and
Israel has  given a carte blanche to a strategy that leaves it more
isolated than  ever.

Peace…or War

The only security Israel can have will be a  result of its signing peace
accords with the Palestinians and the neighboring  countries. It is no
more likely than the U. S. to defeat its enemies on the  field of battle
and its arms have been neutralized. The war in Lebanon was  only an
augury of the decisive limits of its military power. It is in  this
context that secret Israeli talks with Syria have enormous  significance.
They began in January 2004 in Turkey with the approval of  Sharon, moving
on to Switzerland, where the Swiss Foreign Office played the  role of
intermediary. By August 2005 they had reached a very advanced form  and
covered territorial, water, border and political questions.  Details
remained to be ironed out but they were a quantum leap in solving one  of
the region's crucial problems. When the Baker-Hamilton Study  Group
filed its recommendations last December, negotiations with Syria  were
especially stressed – a point Baker reiterated when he testified  to
the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations last January 30th.  Baker
undoubtedly knew about the secret talks and Syria's  explicit
statements it wished to break with radical Islamic movements and  was
ready to discuss its ties with Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas.

These  nominally secret talks were made public on January 8, 2007 when
Egyptian  president Hosni Mubarak accused the United States in an
interview with an  Israeli paper of obstructing peace between Israel and
Syria.

Ha'aretz'  Akiva Eldar then published a series of extremely
detailed accounts, including  the draft accord, confirming that Syria
offered a far reaching and equitable  peace treaty that would provide for
Israel's security and is comprehensive –  and divorce Syria from
Iran and even create a crucial distance between it and  Hezbollah and
Hamas. The Bush Administration'Hamas. The Bush Administration'<WBR>s 
was decisive. C. David Welch, Assistant Secretary of State for  Near
Eastern Affairs, sat in at the final meeting, two former senior  CIA
officials were present in all of these meetings and sent regular  reports
to Vice President Dick Cheney's office. The press has been full  of
details on how the American role was decisive, because it has war,  not
peace, at the top of its agenda.

Most of the Israeli Establishment  favors it. On January 28 important
Israelis met publicly in Jaffa and called  the Israeli response "an
irresponsible gamble with the State of Israel" since  it made Cheney
arbiter of Israeli national interests. They included former  IDF chief of
staff Amnon Lipkin Shahak, former Shin Bet chief Ya'akov  Perry,
former directors of the Foreign Ministry David Kimche and Alon Liel  (who
negotiated the deal and believes it is very serious), and the  like.
Shlomo Ben-Ami, former Foreign Minister, has since supported  their
position and argued that it is "too important" for Israel to endorse  yet
"another failure in the U.S. strategy."

But Olmert has explicitly  said that the Bush Administration opposes a
negotiated peace with Syria.  Therefore he is opposed to it also.
Olmert's contradiction is that he wants  to remain closely allied to
the U.S., whatever its policies, yet he is now  one of the most unpopular
prime ministers in Israel's history and in power  only because of
Sharon's stroke. Israel is a crucial pillar of American  policy in
the entire region but this policy is failing. An alliance with  America
is Olmert's recipe for political defeat when the inevitable  election
is called. That is his problem.

<_http://www.amazon.http://wwhttp://www.ahttp://www.http://www.a_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1588264394/lewrockwell/) >
Israel's  power after 1947 was based on its military supremacy over
its weaker  neighbors. It is in the process of losing it – if it has
not already. Lesser  problems, mainly demographic, will only be
aggravated if tension persists. It  simply cannot survive allied with the
United States, because the Americans  will either leave the region or
embark on a war that risks Israel's very  existence. It is time for
it to become "normal" and make peace with its  neighbors, and that will
require it to make major concessions. It can do that  if it embarks upon
an independent foreign policy, and it can start  immediately to do so
with Syria.

February 12, 2007

Gabriel  Kolko is the author, among other works, of Century of War:
Politics,  Conflicts and Society Since 1914
<_http://www.amazon.http://wwhttp://wwwhttp://wwhttp://www.http://www.a_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/1565841921/lewrockwell/) >
,  Another Century of War?
<_http://www.amazon.http://wwhttp://wwwhttp://wwhttp://www.http://www.a_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/156584758X/lewrockwell/) >
,  and Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the United States and the Modern
Historical  Experience
<_http://www.amazon.http://wwhttp://wwwhttp://wwhttp://www.http://www.a_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/1565842189/lewrockwell/) >
.  His latest book is The Age of War
<_http://www.amazon.http://wwhttp://www.ahttp://www.http://www.a_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1588264394/lewrockwell/) >  .

Copyright © 2007 Gabriel Kolko 
<_http://www.lewrockwhttp://www.lewrohttp://wwwhttp://ww_ 
(http://www.lewrockwell.com/rockwell/rockwell-arch.html) >
Find  this article at:
_http://www.lewrockwhttp://www.lewhttp://www._ 
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