Sorry, could not operate the link but...

Even though the article is pro-legalization, it seems to cater to
the general drug prejudice of the majority - who are more
concerned about keeping drug use low than keeping crime low. If
there was ever a main reason to legalize, it was to reduce crime.
Yet the article speaks not a word about crime reduction. By
implying that legalization is only a success if it vastly lowers
drug use, it distracts from the main point and sets it up to
fail. Legalization will not solve all problems associated with
drug use, and many a legalization experiment will "fail" if the
main criterion for success is vastly reduced drug use. The main
point of legalization is to reduce crime (and increase freedom).

The drug war:
The sad truth about American culture is that its prejudicial
moralism willingly sacrifices the lives of millions of its own
members for the public appearance of righteous behavior. It would
rather have runaway violence than allow its members the freedom
to engage in victimless behavior that it regards as morally
disgusting. Many an American drug-tourist returning from
Amsterdam is heard to criticize their legalization experiment on
nothing more than a cosmetic basis. They will whine on about the
level of "filth" and "debauchery", but will fail to mention the
low amount of crime.

Drug use and drug addiction are not real crimes, and whether they
are moral shortcomings is irrelevant. Yet America's high crime
and embarrassing prison stats (among many other truly shameful
realities) are true moral shortcomings - AND direct effects of
the drug war. This evidence screams for legalization as a
solution; but if we're not clear on the goal, how can we agree on
the rules of the game? 

-----------------------------



Hat tip to Tim Starr and his Yahoo Group, 'Fight for Liberty'.
 
http://www.time. com/time/ health/article/ 0,8599,1893946,
00.html

Drugs in Portugal: Did Decriminalization Work?
By Maia Szalavitz

Pop quiz: Which European country has the most liberal drug laws?
(Hint: It's not the Netherlands. )

Although its capital is notorious among stoners and college kids
for marijuana haze–filled "coffee shops," Holland has never
actually legalized cannabis — the Dutch simply don't enforce
their laws against the shops. The correct answer is Portugal,
which in 2001 became the first European country to officially
abolish all criminal penalties for personal possession of drugs,
including marijuana, cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine.

At the recommendation of a national commission charged with
addressing Portugal's drug problem, jail time was replaced with
the offer of therapy. The argument was that the fear of prison
drives addicts underground and that incarceration is more
expensive than treatment — so why not give drug addicts health
services instead? Under Portugal's new regime, people found
guilty of possessing small amounts of drugs are sent to a panel
consisting of a psychologist, social worker and legal adviser for
appropriate treatment (which may be refused without criminal
punishment), instead of jail.

The question is, does the new policy work? At the time, critics
in the poor, socially conservative and largely Catholic nation
said decriminalizing drug possession would open the country to
"drug tourists" and exacerbate Portugal's drug problem; the
country had some of the highest levels of hard-drug use in
Europe. But the recently released results of a report
commissioned by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank,
suggest otherwise.

The paper, published by Cato in April, found that in the five
years after personal possession was decriminalized, illegal drug
use among teens in Portugal declined and rates of new HIV
infections caused by sharing of dirty needles dropped, while the
number of people seeking treatment for drug addiction more than
doubled.

"Judging by every metric, decriminalization in Portugal has been
a resounding success," says Glenn Greenwald, an attorney, author
and fluent Portuguese speaker, who conducted the research. "It
has enabled the Portuguese government to manage and control the
drug problem far better than virtually every other Western
country does."

Compared to the European Union and the U.S., Portugal's drug use
numbers are impressive. Following decriminalization, Portugal had
the lowest rate of lifetime marijuana use in people over 15 in
the E.U.: 10%. The most comparable figure in America is in people
over 12: 39.8%. Proportionally, more Americans have used cocaine
than Portuguese have used marijuana.

The Cato paper reports that between 2001 and 2006 in Portugal,
rates of lifetime use of any illegal drug among seventh through
ninth graders fell from 14.1% to 10.6%; drug use in older teens
also declined. Lifetime heroin use among 16-to-18-year- olds fell
from 2.5% to 1.8% (although there was a slight increase in
marijuana use in that age group). New HIV infections in drug
users fell by 17% between 1999 and 2003, and deaths related to
heroin and similar drugs were cut by more than half. In addition,
the number of people on methadone and buprenorphine treatment for
drug addiction rose to 14,877 from 6,040, after
decriminalization, and money saved on enforcement allowed for
increased funding of drug-free treatment as well.

Portugal's case study is of some interest to lawmakers in the
U.S., confronted now with the violent overflow of escalating drug
gang wars in Mexico. The U.S. has long championed a hard-line
drug policy, supporting only international agreements that
enforce drug prohibition and imposing on its citizens some of the
world's harshest penalties for drug possession and sales. Yet
America has the highest rates of cocaine and marijuana use in the
world, and while most of the E.U. (including Holland) has more
liberal drug laws than the U.S., it also has less drug use.

"I think we can learn that we should stop being reflexively
opposed when someone else does [decriminalize] and should take
seriously the possibility that anti-user enforcement isn't having
much influence on our drug consumption, " says Mark Kleiman,
author of the forthcoming When Brute Force Fails: How to Have
Less Crime and Less Punishment and director of the drug policy
analysis program at UCLA. Kleiman does not consider Portugal a
realistic model for the U.S., however, because of differences in
size and culture between the two countries.

But there is a movement afoot in the U.S., in the legislatures of
New York State, California and Massachusetts, to reconsider our
overly punitive drug laws. Recently, Senators Jim Webb and Arlen
Specter proposed that Congress create a national commission, not
unlike Portugal's, to deal with prison reform and overhaul
drug-sentencing policy. As Webb noted, the U.S. is home to 5% of
the global population but 25% of its prisoners. 

At the Cato Institute in early April, Greenwald contended that a
major problem with most American drug policy debate is that it's
based on "speculation and fear mongering," rather than empirical
evidence on the effects of more lenient drug policies. In
Portugal, the effect was to neutralize what had become the
country's number one public health problem, he says.

"The impact in the life of families and our society is much lower
than it was before decriminalization, " says Joao Castel-Branco
Goulao, Portugual's "drug czar" and president of the Institute on
Drugs and Drug Addiction, adding that police are now able to
re-focus on tracking much higher level dealers and larger
quantities of drugs.

Peter Reuter, a professor of criminology and public policy at the
University of Maryland, like Kleiman, is skeptical. He conceded
in a presentation at the Cato Institute that "it's fair to say
that decriminalization in Portugal has met its central goal. Drug
use did not rise." However, he notes that Portugal is a small
country and that the cyclical nature of drug epidemics — which
tends to occur no matter what policies are in place — may account
for the declines in heroin use and deaths.

The Cato report's author, Greenwald, hews to the first point:
that the data shows that decriminalization does not result in
increased drug use. Since that is what concerns the public and
policymakers most about decriminalization, he says, "that is the
central concession that will transform the debate."
 
Balance of article at:





http://www.time. com/time/ health/article/ 0,8599,1893946,
00.html




      

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