Norman Mattoon Thomas (November 20, 1884 - December 19, 1968) was a 
leading American socialist, pacifist, and six-time presidential 
candidate for the Socialist Party of America. He said this in a 1944 
interview:

    The American people will never knowingly adopt socialism. But, under
    the name of "liberalism," they will adopt every fragment of the
    socialist program, until one day America will be a socialist nation,
    without knowing how it happened.... I no longer need to run as a
    Presidential Candidate for the Socialist Party. The Democratic Party
    has adopted our platform.

This statement reveals several key ideas:

The *first* is that a third party can win support for its policy 
positions without winning any elections if one of the two main parties 
adopts its positions.

The *second* is that it is a winning political strategy to advantage a 
small segment of the voters at the expense of a smaller segment. Do that 
for enough small segments and eventually you will have socialism.

The *third* is that it is a winning strategy to avoid allowing your 
ultimate objective, or the constitutional implications, to be framed as 
the question to be decided by the voters. People wouldn't vote for 
socialism, or for violating the Constitution, if the question were 
framed in those terms, but will vote for incremental steps toward it, 
and fail to understand the opponents when they try to explain to voters 
what those steps lead to, or that they are unconstitutional.

The problem for libertarians is that liberty doesn't sell as well as 
government benefits. People don't really appreciate liberty until they 
have lost it, and too often they will not even realize they have lost 
it, or they will attribute the loss to something other than their own 
past election choices. It is easier for most people to imagine a 
prospective financial gain or loss than a loss of liberty. Money can be 
counted in a way that liberty can't.

The same may be said of constitutional compliance. Few politicians make 
it a leading issue in campaigns. Most people don't understand it and 
have come to think that calling the opponent's position 
"unconstitutional" is just rhetoric. The few who do understand usually 
don't have enough influence over the others. The number of people who 
can understand what is and what is not constitutional is fairly small, 
and always has been. The only time in history it was large was during 
the first three American revolutions: the War for Independence, the 
ratification of the Constitution, and the Election of 1800 
<http://www.constitution.org/rf/vr.htm>, the last of which entrenched 
the Jeffersonian position on constitutional interpretation for the 
period from 1800 through 1824, and then to a declining degree for most 
of the rest of the 19th century. But even during the ratification 
debates it is unlikely that the majority of the people really understood 
the proposed Constitution in its entirety. Some focused on particular 
provisions that seemed dangerous, and opposed it until their fears were 
alleviated. Most probably supported it because George Washington did, 
demonstrating that the way to get complicated reforms is not to educate 
all the people but to get the support of charismatic personalities the 
voters like and trust.

Most of Ron Paul's constituents don't vote for him because they agree 
with his positions. They vote for him because they like and trust him. 
It is more important for most voters to be comfortable with the 
personality than with his positions.

"Bait and switch" works in political selling as well. Voters are offered 
some charismatic personality or government benefit and never told that 
either represents a violation of the Constitution. Some will argue that 
the people have voted for the departures from constitutional compliance 
and thus ratified them in some sense, but that is deceptive, because the 
people were deceived by not having the constitutional implications of 
their choices explained to them. They did not vote for violation. The 
issues weren't framed to them that way.

That doesn't mean it is not a productive activity to educate people on 
constitutional compliance. We need to create a learning environment in 
which some of those charismatic personalities can "get it" and then 
bring their insights with them when they take office. We have to spread 
the education around because it is not always easy to discern who will 
be the charismatic personalities of the future, and because such people 
are herd animals like any other who are going to want the reassurance of 
like-minded people before they will venture forth with constitutionalist 
positions. The trick is to both educate those individuals and enough of 
the individuals around them.

What we learn from the study of the diffusion of innovations 
<http://www.constitution.org/col/03317_diffusion.htm> is that most 
people don't adopt new things because they learn about them from some 
kind of broadcast message. They are influenced more by the examples of 
those they look to as role models, and that chain of influence tends to 
sort itself into levels, with "early adopters" at the top, "secondary 
adopters" below them, "tertiary adopters" below both, and "quadranary 
adopters" below the first three. We also learn that most people don't 
adopt new things in long leaps or from single exposures to messages or 
examples. Except for the early adopters people generally adopt in small 
steps spaced over a period of time in response to repeated messages. 
That means you need to target people who are ready to take the next 
step, figure out where they are and how far you can get them to go on 
that occasion, then move on to others, but return to the first before 
they go cold and move them on to the next step, repeating the process 
until you get many people recruited. Then you need to keep them 
recruited with positive reinforcements, because most adopters won't 
stick to a new things unless it rewards them in some way, and because 
there are usually competing innovations that may win them over if you 
neglect to hold them.

-- Jon

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