Principled Parties
By Lawrence W. Reed • January/February 2010 • Volume: 60 • Issue: 1

Imagine a political movement that says it’s 
committed to “equal rights”­and means it. Not 
just equality in a few cherry-picked rights but 
all human rights, including the most maligned, 
property rights. Imagine a movement whose raison 
d’être is to oppose any and all special privileges from government for anybody.

When it comes to political parties, most of them 
in recent American history like to at least say 
they’re for equal rights. If we’ve learned 
anything from politics, though, surely the first 
lesson is this: What the major parties say and do are two different things.

In American history no such group has ever been 
as colorful and as thorough in its understanding 
of equal rights as one that flashed briefly 
across the political skies in the 1830s and ’40s. 
They were called “Locofocos.” If I had been 
around back then, I would have proudly joined their illustrious ranks.

The Locofocos were a faction of the Democratic 
Party of President Andrew Jackson, concentrated 
mostly in the Northeast and New York in 
particular, but with notoriety and influence well 
beyond the region. Formally called the “Equal 
Rights Party,” they derived their better known 
sobriquet from a peculiar event on October 29, 1835.


Turn On The Lights, The Party’s Starting

Democrats in New York City were scrapping over 
how far to extend Jackson’s war against the 
federally chartered national bank at a convention 
controlled by the city’s dominant political 
machine, Tammany Hall. (He had killed the bank in 
1832 by vetoing its renewal.) When the more 
conservative officialdom of the convention 
expelled the radical William Leggett, editor of 
the Evening Post, they faced a full-scale revolt 
by a sizable and boisterous rump. The 
conservatives walked out, plunging the meeting 
room into darkness as they left by turning off 
the gas lights. The radicals continued to meet by 
the light of candles they lit with matches called 
“loco focos” (Spanish for “crazy lights”).

With the Tammany conservatives gone and the room 
once again illuminated, the Locofocos passed a 
plethora of resolutions. They condemned the 
national bank as an unconstitutional tool of 
special interests and an engine of paper-money 
inflation. They assailed all monopolies, by which 
they meant firms that received some sort of 
privilege or immunity granted by state or federal 
governments. They endorsed a “strict 
construction” of the Constitution and demanded an 
end to all laws “which directly or indirectly 
infringe the free exercise of equal rights.” They 
saw themselves as the true heirs of Jefferson, 
unabashed advocates of laissez faire and of 
minimal government confined to securing equal 
rights for all and dispensing special privileges for none.

Three months later, in January 1836, the 
Locofocos held a convention to devise a platform 
and endorse candidates to run against the Tammany 
machine for city office in April. They still 
considered themselves Democrats, hoping to steer 
the party of Jefferson and Jackson to a radical 
reaffirmation of its principled roots rather than 
bolt and form a distinct opposition party. “We 
utterly disclaim any intention or design of 
instituting any new party, but declare ourselves 
the original Democratic party,” they announced.

The “Declaration of Principles” the Locofocos 
passed at that January gathering is a stirring 
appeal to the bedrock concept of rights, as evidenced by these excerpts:

The true foundation of Republican Government is 
the equal rights of every citizen, in his person 
and property, and in their management.
The rightful power of all legislation is to 
declare and enforce only our natural rights and 
duties, and to take none of them from us. No man 
has a natural right to commit aggression on the 
equal rights of another; and this is all the law should enforce on him.
The idea is quite unfounded that on entering into 
society, we give up any natural right.

The convention pronounced “Hostility to any and 
all monopolies by legislation,” “unqualified and 
uncompromising hostility to paper money as a 
circulating medium, because gold and silver are 
the only safe and constitutional currency,” and 
“Hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional 
creation of vested rights by legislation.”

These days Congress and the legislatures of our 
50 states routinely bestow advantages on this or 
that group at the expense of those whom the same 
laws disadvantage­from affirmative action to 
business subsidies. The Locofoco condemnation of 
such special privilege couldn’t be clearer: “We 
ask that our legislators will legislate for the 
whole people and not for favored portions of our 
fellow-citizens, thereby creating distinct 
aristocratic little communities within the great 
community. It is by such partial and unjust 
legislation that the productive classes of 
society are . . . not equally protected and 
respected as the other classes of mankind.”

William Leggett, the man whose expulsion from the 
October gathering by the regular Democrats of 
Tammany Hall sparked the Locofocos into being, 
was the intellectual linchpin of the whole 
movement. After a short stint editing a literary 
magazine called The Critic, he was hired as 
assistant to famed poet and editor William Cullen 
Bryant at the New York Evening Post in 1829. 
Declaring “no taste” for politics at first, he 
quickly became enamored of Bryant’s philosophy of 
liberty. He emerged as an eloquent agitator in 
the pages of the Post, especially in 1834 when he 
took full charge of its editorial pages while 
Bryant vacationed in Europe. He struck a chord 
with the politically unconnected and with many 
working men and women hit hard by the inflation of the national bank.

In the state of New York at the time, 
profit-making corporations could not come into 
being except by special dispensation from the 
legislature. This meant, as historian Richard 
Hofstadter explained in a 1943 article, that “men 
whose capital or influence was too small to win 
charters from the lawmakers were barred from such 
profitable lines of corporate enterprise as 
bridges, railroads, turnpikes and ferries, as well as banks.”

Leggett railed against such privilege: “The 
bargaining and trucking away of chartered 
privileges is the whole business of our 
lawmakers.” His remedy was “a fair field and no 
favor,” free market competition unfettered by 
favor-granting politicians. He and his Locofoco 
followers were not antiwealth or antibank, but 
they were vociferously opposed to any unequal 
application of the law. To Leggett and the 
Locofocos, the goddess of justice really was blindfolded!

The Locofocos won some local elections in the 
late 1830s and exerted enough influence to see 
many of their ideas embraced by no less than 
Martin Van Buren when he ran successfully for 
president in 1836. By the middle of Van Buren’s 
single term, the Locofoco notions of equal rights 
and an evenhanded policy of a small federal 
government were reestablished as core Democratic 
Party principles. There they would persist 
through the last great Democratic president, 
Grover Cleveland, in the 1880s and 1890s. Sadly, 
those essentially libertarian roots have long 
since been abandoned by the party of Jefferson and Jackson.

If you’re unhappy that today’s political parties 
give lip service to equal rights as they busy 
themselves carving yours up and passing out the 
pieces, don’t blame me. I’m a Locofoco.

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