http://www.lewrockwell.com/roberts/roberts81.html

What Became of Conservatives?
by Paul Craig Roberts

I remember when friends would excitedly telephone to report that Rush 
Limbaugh or G. Gordon Liddy had just read one of my syndicated columns over 
the air. That was before I became a critic of the US invasion of Iraq, the 
Bush administration, and the neoconservative ideologues who have seized 
control of the US government.

America has blundered into a needless and dangerous war, and fully half of 
the country's population is enthusiastic. Many Christians think that war in 
the Middle East signals "end times" and that they are about to be wafted up 
to heaven. Many patriots think that, finally, America is standing up for 
itself and demonstrating its righteous might. Conservatives are taking out 
their Vietnam frustrations on Iraqis. Karl Rove is wrapping Bush in the 
protective cloak of war leader. The military-industrial complex is drooling 
over the profits of war. And neoconservatives are laying the groundwork for 
Israeli territorial expansion.

The evening before Thanksgiving Rush Limbaugh was on C-Span TV explaining 
that these glorious developments would have been impossible if talk radio 
and the conservative movement had not combined to break the power of the 
liberal media.

In the Thanksgiving issue of National Review, editor Richard Lowry and 
former editor John O'Sullivan celebrate Bush's reelection triumph over "a 
hostile press corps." "Try as they might," crowed O'Sullivan, "they couldn't 
put Kerry over the top."

There was a time when I could rant about the "liberal media" with the best 
of them. But in recent years I have puzzled over the precise location of the 
"liberal media."

Not so long ago I would have identified the liberal media as the New York 
Times and Washington Post, CNN and the three TV networks, and National 
Public Radio. But both the Times and the Post fell for the Bush 
administration's lies about WMD and supported the US invasion of Iraq. On 
balance CNN, the networks, and NPR have not made an issue of the Bush 
administration's changing explanations for the invasion.

Apparently, Rush Limbaugh and National Review think there is a liberal media 
because the prison torture scandal could not be suppressed and a cameraman 
filmed the execution of a wounded Iraqi prisoner by a US Marine.

Do the Village Voice and The Nation comprise the "liberal media"? The 
Village Voice is known for Nat Henthof and his columns on civil liberties. 
Every good conservative believes that civil liberties are liberal because 
they interfere with the police and let criminals go free. The Nation favors 
spending on the poor and disfavors gun rights, but I don't see the "liberal 
hate" in The Nation's feeble pages that Rush Limbaugh was denouncing on 
C-Span.

In the ranks of the new conservatives, however, I see and experience much 
hate. It comes to me in violently worded, ignorant and irrational emails 
from self-professed conservatives who literally worship George Bush. Even 
Christians have fallen into idolatry. There appears to be a large number of 
Americans who are prepared to kill anyone for George Bush.

The Iraqi War is serving as a great catharsis for multiple conservative 
frustrations: job loss, drugs, crime, homosexuals, pornography, female 
promiscuity, abortion, restrictions on prayer in public places, Darwinism 
and attacks on religion. Liberals are the cause. Liberals are against 
America. Anyone against the war is against America and is a liberal. "You 
are with us or against us."

This is the mindset of delusion, and delusion permits of no facts or 
analysis. Blind emotion rules. Americans are right and everyone else is 
wrong. End of the debate.

That, gentle reader, is the full extent of talk radio, Fox News, the Wall 
Street Journal Editorial page, National Review, the Weekly Standard, and, 
indeed, of the entire concentrated corporate media where noncontroversy in 
the interest of advertising revenue rules.

Once upon a time there was a liberal media. It developed out of the Great 
Depression and the New Deal. Liberals believed that the private sector is 
the source of greed that must be restrained by government acting in the 
public interest. The liberals' mistake was to identify morality with 
government. Liberals had great suspicion of private power and insufficient 
suspicion of the power and inclination of government to do good.

Liberals became Benthamites (after Jeremy Bentham). They believed that as 
the people controlled government through democracy, there was no reason to 
fear government power, which should be increased in order to accomplish more 
good.

The conservative movement that I grew up in did not share the liberals' 
abiding faith in government. "Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts 
absolutely."

Today it is liberals, not conservatives, who endeavor to defend civil 
liberties from the state. Conservatives have been won around to the old 
liberal view that as long as government power is in their hands, there is no 
reason to fear it or to limit it. Thus, the Patriot Act, which permits 
government to suspend a person's civil liberty by calling him a terrorist 
with or without proof.

Thus, preemptive war, which permits the President to invade other countries 
based on unverified assertions.

There is nothing conservative about these positions. To label them 
conservative is to make the same error as labeling the 1930s German 
Brownshirts conservative.

American liberals called the Brownshirts "conservative," because the 
Brownshirts were obviously not liberal. They were ignorant, violent, 
delusional, and they worshipped a man of no known distinction. Brownshirts' 
delusions were protected by an emotional force field. Adulation of power and 
force prevented Brownshirts from recognizing implications for their country 
of their reckless doctrines.

Like Brownshirts, the new conservatives take personally any criticism of 
their leader and his policies. To be a critic is to be an enemy. I went 
overnight from being an object of conservative adulation to one of derision 
when I wrote that the US invasion of Iraq was a "strategic blunder."

It is amazing that only a short time ago the Bush administration and its 
supporters believed that all the US had to do was to appear in Iraq and we 
would be greeted with flowers. Has there ever been a greater example of 
delusion? Isn't this on a par with the Children's Crusade against the 
Saracens in the Middle Ages?

Delusion is still the defining characteristic of the Bush administration. We 
have smashed Fallujah, a city of 300,000, only to discover that the 10,000 
US Marines are bogged down in the ruins of the city. If the Marines leave, 
the "defeated" insurgents will return. Meanwhile the insurgents have moved 
on to destabilize Mosul, a city five times as large. Thus, the call for more 
US troops.

There are no more troops. Our former allies are not going to send troops. 
The only way the Bush administration can continue with its Iraq policy is to 
reinstate the draft.

When the draft is reinstated, conservatives will loudly proclaim their pride 
that their sons, fathers, husbands and brothers are going to die for "our 
freedom." Not a single one of them will be able to explain why destroying 
Iraqi cities and occupying the ruins are necessary for "our freedom." But 
this inability will not lessen the enthusiasm for the project. To protect 
their delusions from "reality-based" critics, they will demand that the 
critics be arrested for treason and silenced. Many encouraged by talk radio 
already speak this way.

Because of the triumph of delusional "new conservatives" and the demise of 
the liberal media, this war is different from the Vietnam war. As more 
Americans are killed and maimed in the pointless carnage, more Americans 
have a powerful emotional stake that the war not be lost and not be in vain. 
Trapped in violence and unable to admit mistake, a reckless administration 
will escalate.

The rapidly collapsing US dollar is hard evidence that the world sees the US 
as bankrupt. Flight from the dollar as the reserve currency will adversely 
impact American living standards, which are already falling as a result of 
job outsourcing and offshore production. The US cannot afford a costly and 
interminable war.

Falling living standards and inability to impose our will on the Middle East 
will result in great frustrations that will diminish our country.

November 26, 2004

Dr. Roberts [send him mail] is John M. Olin Fellow at the Institute for 
Political Economy and Research Fellow at the Independent Institute. He is a 
former associate editor of the Wall Street Journal, former contributing 
editor for National Review, and a former assistant secretary of the U.S. 
Treasury. He is the co-author of The Tyranny of Good Intentions.

Copyright � 2004 Creators Syndicate

-- 
Jay P Hailey ~Meow!~
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"SOMEONE TURN ON THE FAN!!!!!! DANNY'S BACK!!!! - Syndi



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