http://www.readersupportednews.org/opinion2/275-42/8295-the-globalisation-of-protest

The Globalisation of Protest

By Joseph E. Stiglitz, Project Syndicate

07 November 11

he protest movement that began in Tunisia in January, subsequently spreading to 
Egypt, and then to Spain, has now become global, with the protests engulfing 
Wall Street and cities across America. Globalization and modern technology now 
enables social movements to transcend borders as rapidly as ideas can. And 
social protest has found fertile ground everywhere: a sense that the "system" 
has failed, and the conviction that even in a democracy, the electoral process 
will not set things right - at least not without strong pressure from the 
street.

In May, I went to the site of the Tunisian protests; in July, I talked to 
Spain's indignados; from there, I went to meet the young Egyptian 
revolutionaries in Cairo's Tahrir Square; and, a few weeks ago, I talked with 
Occupy Wall Street protesters in New York. There is a common theme, expressed 
by the OWS movement in a simple phrase: "We are the 99%."

That slogan echoes the title of an article that I recently published, entitled 
"Of the 1%, for the 1%, and by the 1%," describing the enormous increase in 
inequality in the United States: 1% of the population controls more than 40% of 
the wealth and receives more than 20% of the income. And those in this rarefied 
stratum often are rewarded so richly not because they have contributed more to 
society - bonuses and bailouts neatly gutted that justification for inequality 
- but because they are, to put it bluntly, successful (and sometimes corrupt) 
rent-seekers.

This is not to deny that some of the 1% have contributed a great deal. Indeed, 
the social benefits of many real innovations (as opposed to the novel financial 
"products" that ended up unleashing havoc on the world economy) typically far 
exceed what their innovators receive.

But, around the world, political influence and anti-competitive practices 
(often sustained through politics) have been central to the increase in 
economic inequality. And tax systems in which a billionaire like Warren Buffett 
pays less tax (as a percentage of his income) than his secretary, or in which 
speculators, who helped to bring down the global economy, are taxed at lower 
rates than those who work for their income, have reinforced the trend.

Research in recent years has shown how important and ingrained notions of 
fairness are. Spain's protesters, and those in other countries, are right to be 
indignant: here is a system in which the bankers got bailed out, while those 
whom they preyed upon have been left to fend for themselves. Worse, the bankers 
are now back at their desks, earning bonuses that amount to more than most 
workers hope to earn in a lifetime, while young people who studied hard and 
played by the rules see no prospects for fulfilling employment.

The rise in inequality is the product of a vicious spiral: the rich 
rent-seekers use their wealth to shape legislation in order to protect and 
increase their wealth - and their influence. The US Supreme Court, in its 
notorious Citizens United decision, has given corporations free rein to use 
their money to influence the direction of politics. But, while the wealthy can 
use their money to amplify their views, back on the street, police wouldn't 
allow me to address the OWS protesters through a megaphone.

The contrast between overregulated democracy and unregulated bankers did not go 
unnoticed. But the protesters are ingenious: they echoed what I said through 
the crowd, so that all could hear. And, to avoid interrupting the "dialogue" by 
clapping, they used forceful hand signals to express their agreement.

They are right that something is wrong about our "system." Around the world, we 
have underutilized resources - people who want to work, machines that lie idle, 
buildings that are empty - and huge unmet needs: fighting poverty, promoting 
development, and retrofitting the economy for global warming, to name just a 
few. In America, after more than seven million home foreclosures in recent 
years, we have empty homes and homeless people.

The protesters have been criticized for not having an agenda. But this misses 
the point of protest movements. They are an expression of frustration with the 
electoral process. They are an alarm.

The anti-globalization protests in Seattle in 1999, at what was supposed to be 
the inauguration of a new round of trade talks, called attention to the 
failures of globalization and the international institutions and agreements 
that govern it. When the press looked into the protesters' allegations, they 
found that there was more than a grain of truth in them. The trade negotiations 
that followed were different - at least in principle, they were supposed to be 
a development round, to make up for some of the deficiencies highlighted by 
protesters - and the International Monetary Fund subsequently undertook 
significant reforms.

So, too, in the US, the civil-rights protesters of the 1960's called attention 
to pervasive institutionalized racism in American society. That legacy has not 
yet been overcome, but the election of President Barack Obama shows how far 
those protests moved America.

On one level, today's protesters are asking for little: a chance to use their 
skills, the right to decent work at decent pay, a fairer economy and society. 
Their hope is evolutionary, not revolutionary. But, on another level, they are 
asking for a great deal: a democracy where people, not dollars, matter, and a 
market economy that delivers on what it is supposed to do.

The two are related: as we have seen, unfettered markets lead to economic and 
political crises. Markets work the way they should only when they operate 
within a framework of appropriate government regulations; and that framework 
can be erected only in a democracy that reflects the general interest - not the 
interests of the 1%. The best government that money can buy is no longer good 
enough.

Joseph E. Stiglitz is University Professor at Columbia University, a Nobel 
laureate in economics, and the author of "Freefall: Free Markets and the 
Sinking of the Global Economy."
 


-- 
Mustafa Akgul <[email protected]>
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