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Dear gta
I am sending you a copy of the page I read at
http://www.fpif.org/commentary/0109inddem.html :
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GAC 0109inddem
Fighting Terrorism, Undermining Democracy in Indonesia
By John Gershman
0109inddem.pdf
An early beneficiary of the new pre-eminence given by the Bush administration
to its war against terrorism could be the Indonesian military, the same
military behind the ravaging of East Timor in 1999 and continuing grave human
rights abuses in West Papua, Aceh, and elsewhere in the archipelago. That
possibility emerged from talks this past week at the White House between
Indonesian President Megawati and Bush, whose main goal was to enlist
Indonesia, host to the world's largest Muslim population, in the fight against
terrorism.
Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri met this week with President George
W. Bush, one of the first heads of state to visit the U.S. since the terrorist
attacks on September 11. President Bush had invited Megawati in late July
after she assumed office, following the dismissal of Abdurrahman Wahid.
The meeting revealed much about how the Bush administration is going to try to
consolidate the emerging international coalition against terrorism, especially
among developing countries. Indonesia is a critical component of the effort
because of its position as the world's most populous Muslim democracy and the
growing political role of Islamist organizations within Indonesia since the
collapse of the New Order regime in 1998. There are also allegations that some
radical Islamist groups in Indonesia are connected with Osama bin Laden's Al
Qaeda organization.
The Bush strategy appears to be a mixture of aid and trade initiatives
combined with a strengthening of bilateral military-military ties. President
Bush's economic commitments to Indonesia include: at least $130 million in
bilateral assistance for fiscal 2002 (mostly for judicial reform), $10 million
for assistance to internally displaced peoples, $5 million for reconciliation
and reconstruction efforts in the strife-torn province of Aceh, $2 million to
assist in refugee repatriation in West Timor, and $10 million for police
training. In addition, the Bush administration will make available $100
million in additional benefits under the Generalized System of Preferences
(GSP) by enabling 11 additional products to be allowed duty-free access to the
U.S. market. Finally, President Bush announced that the three U.S. trade
finance agencies--the Export-Import Bank, the Overseas Private In!
vestment Corporation, and the U.S. Trade and Development Agency--have
developed a joint trade and finance initiative to help promote economic
development in Indonesia. The three agencies will undertake to provide up to a
combined $400 million to promote trade and investment within Indonesia,
especially in the Indonesian oil and gas sector.
The economic initiatives are relatively small, and Indonesia's macroeconomic
policy remains firmly under the supervision of the International Monetary
Fund. The emphasis on judicial reform is at least aimed at an important
target. A recent Survey Report on Citizens' Perceptions Of The Indonesian
Justice Sector from the Asia Foundation and AC Nielsen
(http://www.asiafoundation.org/pdf/IndoLaw.pdf) revealed some unsettling
findings in a country attemtping to institutionalize a fragile democracy. More
than half of the country's adults can't provide a single example of a right to
which they are entitled. More than 60% of respondents said police were apt to
demand a bribe to take action over anything, while 30%-35% thought the courts
were only for the wealthy and were "risky" places to seek justice. The danger,
however, is that efforts to promote the rule of law, judicial reform, and
respect !
for human rights will be undermined by the administration's increasing
support for and ties with Indonesia's military.
The major issue on the U.S. agenda for the meeting was the issue of bilateral
military ties. Recent reports from the Council on Foreign Relations and the
Rand Corporation, both issued well before the tragedies of last week,
advocated that the Bush administration strengthen ties with Indonesia in
general and the Indonesian military in particular. The recommendation was
aimed at combating the growing influence of radical Islamic groups, as well as
providing a means of forging a strong bulwark against China in the region. The
Council on Foreign Relations report, The United States and Southeast Asia: A
Policy Agenda for the New Administration, was notable because it was drafted
by Dov Zakheim, a Reagan-era Pentagon planner currently serving in the
Pentagon.
Indonesian military complicity with the human rights violations associated
with the widespread carnage in East Timor in the aftermath of its referendum
on independence in 1999 had led the U.S. Congress to strengthen already
existing limits on bilateral military ties. The new legislation restricted
arms sales and military training until a number of criteria were met,
including increased civilian control over the military, greater transparency
in military spending, and accountability for military officers complicit in
committing human rights violations. The Bush administration's own State
Department officials acknowledge that the Indonesian military has yet to meet
those basic criteria, and in some ways, the situation is worsening. For
example, several officers who held command positions in East Timor in 1999
have not only not been tried, but have received promotions. There is also a !
severe problem with transparency of the military's revenues. Experts estimate
that only 25-30% of the military's funding comes from the government budget,
with the rest coming from "taxes" on natural resource extraction, bribes, and
other forms of "informal" financing. Human rights violations have increased in
Aceh and West Papua, regions where secessionist movements are strong.
Nevertheless, the Bush administration announced yesterday some easing of
restrictions on bilateral military ties. While the administration has not
requested that Congress lift restrictions on weapons sales and training, it
has some discretion in other areas that it has chosen to exercise, despite the
continuing evidence of a military able to act with impunity. Presidents Bush
and Megawati agreed to:
* expand modest contacts and resume regular meetings between the U.S. and
Indonesian militaries to support Indonesia's efforts at military reform and
professionalization. Such activities include Indonesian participation in a
variety of conferences, multilateral exercises, subject matter exchanges on
issues such as military reform, military law, investigations, budgeting and
budget transparency, as well as humanitarian assistance and joint relief
operations.
* establish a bilateral Security Dialogue under the supervision of the two
countries' respective civilian ministers of defense in order to promote
"increased civilian participation in Indonesian defense and security
issues."
* ask Congress for $400,000 to educate Indonesian civilians on defense
matters through the Expanded International Military Education and Training.
* lift the embargo on commercial sales of nonlethal defense articles for
Indonesia, with individual applications to be reviewed on a case by case
basis, in line with standard practice in America.
The common justification for increased engagement is described by the Rand
Corporation, which argues that "engagement with the Indonesian military would
improve the ability of the United States to promote a democratic model of
military professionalism in Indonesia." This claim is clearly problematic--if
U.S. engagement with the Indonesian military is so conducive to
professionalism, what was the result of three decades of engagement under
Suharto's New Order regime? As the International Crisis Group noted in a July
2001 report, "the bilateral military relationship has not been effective to
date in producing an Indonesian military that meets the standards of a modern,
professional force under civilian control or promoting long-term stability in
Indonesia."
Megawati's own human rights record is weak. A staunch nationalist, she opposed
the referendum in East Timor that lead to its independence, and is closely
allied with the military, bringing four retired military officers into her
cabinet. She has taken some initial steps to address the demands for
self-determination on the part of inhabitants of Aceh and West Papua. One of
the first laws signed by Megawati as president was the Special Autonomy Law
for Aceh, while a similar law for West Papua is still being considered by the
Indonesian parliament. Both proposals are widely viewed as inadequate in their
regions, however, and repression has increased in those regions since Megawati
assumed office.
Prior to September 11 at least, moves toward strengthening U.S.-Indonesian
military ties were opposed by key Congressional leaders and human rights
groups because of ongoing human rights violations by the Indonesian military,
and the continuing impunity of high-ranking Indonesian military officials for
their complicity in human rights violations in East Timor and in various parts
of Indonesia. The question now is whether the sprit of bipartisanship that has
characterized the period since the terrorist attacks will extend to the Bush
administration's efforts to strengthen militaries that can undermine the very
values of freedom and democracy for which the new war on terrorism is
allegedly being waged.
(John Gershman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> is the co-director of the Global
Affairs program of the Interhemispheric Resource center and the Asia/Pacific
editor for Foreign Policy in Focus.)
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