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n ihe aeen tzhluhztledghlxcjhpkcssmapcksf tawbc fviyfa</x-html>From [EMAIL
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Date: Thu, 1 May 2003 11:29:14 +0100 (BST)
From: M W Hughes <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: VIRGIL: Caesar: forensics at last
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Mackail says crisply that all references in V to 'Caesar' are to
Augustus, except for E9 (C's star) and G1 (heavenly disturbances
after C's death). I think that other commentators have left the
interpretation of some references slightly more open.
Perhaps we should approach the question by noting that 'C' is usually
mentioned with overt approval, but that the older C appears, without his
name's being spoken, in Aen.6, 826 ff., where there seems to be
extremely clear disapproval. From this, one might say that Mackail is
basically right - the approving references (unless the approval is only a
sham) are to Augustus.
Caesar is asked by Anchises 'to take first step in detente, to throw away
the weapons from his hand' as befits the generous spirit of his family.
If we assume that V's readers knew that C had done no such thing, then it
is clear that C is being asked to take the major share of blame for the
Civil Wars.
Syme famously says that this is Augustan propaganda,making the older
Caesar a figure of darkness from whom the shining heir has rescued Rome.
Jenkyns, ih Virgil's Experience, says that V, a person of independent
mind, was stating a personal opinion that he was perfectly prepared to
advocate whether Augustus liked it or not: the older Caesar. Starting a
civil war is a terrible crime in anyone's language. Charles I made the
great mistake of formally 'starting it' by 'raising his standard' and
became very vulnerable to 'man of blood' propaganda.
But is it ABSOLUTELY clear that no contemporary could have thought that
the older Caesar had duly complied with his ancestor's instructions??
After all, there were peace negotiations. Mommsen, that admirer of
effective people, created the Victorian/Bismarckian view that Caesar had
been in a legal dispute with the Senate and was in effect the injured
party. It is certain that in the course of the dispute C prompted his
front-man Curio to propose general disarmament.
The proposal may well have been disingenuous but did no one in V's time
think or argue that it had been a sincere offer, breaking new ground in
negotiation, and equivalent to casting aside the weapons of war?
If the answer to these questions is definitely negative then I think we
would have to conclude that no unambiguously favourable reference to
'Caesar' can be a reference to someone whom V explicitly regards as
besmirched with crime and treachery. - Martin Hughes
On Thu, 27 Mar 2003, Damien Nelis wrote:
> Martin's characteristically interesting mail raises the issue of the
> ambiguity surrounding the word CAESAR in the Aeneid, or at least in Aeneid 1
> in Jupiter's speech. Is Caesar there:
> JULIUS CAESAR?
> OCTAVIAN-AUGUSTUS?
> BOTH?
> ALL CAESARS?
> Exact names names and titles and their datings are important.
> It is not clear (at least to me) what sense Vergil made of the connections
> between Caesar and Augustus. To what extent were things that look AUGUSTAN
> to us just developments of plans and ideas laid down by Julius Caesar?
>
> These are just idle questions which happen to be exercising me at the
> moment.
>
> D. Nelis
>
>
>
> ----------
> >From: M W Hughes <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> >To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> >Subject: VIRGIL: Caesar: forensics at last
> >Date: Wed, Mar 26, 2003, 3:16 PM
> >
>
> > A programme was shown on television the other night in the UK (Channel 5)
> > reporting on the investigation by a Rome police officer into Caesar's
> > death and on the forensic evidence which he sough to supply. He has
> > learned over the years that one should always investigate the victim.
> > Perhaps the programme has been shown or will be shown in other countries.
> >
> > The thesis was the C deliberately laid himself open to assassination,
> > motivated by a mixture of ill-health and plans for the future of Rome.
> > The evidence is his claim to illness in the face of a Senate delegation,
> > remarks of the 'I have lived long enough for nature and for reputation'
> > style (I'm not sure that that was actually quoted) and his refusal to be
> > surrounded with bodyguards. His plan was to show the Romans that if they
> > rejected him as king they would find themselves forced to accept his
> > nominated heir, so he would be a real king even in death. All this was
> > fitted, with scientific flourish, into the pattern of symptoms and
> > thoughts characteristic of frontal lobe epilepsy.
> >
> > I mention this mainly because I admire popularisation. On the other
> > hand, it shows that science can be very like fantasy - V might have
> > agreed here. Foresight on C's part clear enough to envisage the thrills
> > and spills of the Triumviral period and their final outcome would have
> > been enough to make his deification a serious proposition.
> >
> > Quite a few public figures take inadequate security precautions, for
> > various reasons. In C's case, I thought that the programme
> > showed no recognition of the fact that bodyguards were notoriously part
> > of the apparatus of Greek tyrants, exactly the model that C would not
> > have wanted to follow.
> >
> >
> > Of all the things which could not have been predicted at the time C's
> > death, one of the most significant, I'd suppose, would be the kind of
> > intellectual support that C's heir, the Augustus of the future, would win
> > - surely a very important element in his success. The dying C could
> > hardly have foreseen V, yet without V and other thinkers who rallied to
> > the cause the future of C's family would have been very different. -
> > Martin Hughes
> >
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