This article featured in the current edition of Green Left Weekly -
available at http://www.greenleft.org.au/
comradely,
Kim B
____________
The  red  queen alliance      alliance?
comment by Sean Healy
          
                                                    The monarchists
                                                    have chanced
                                                    upon the Basil
                                                    Fawlty strategy
                                                    for defeating the
                                                    November 6
                                                    republic
                                                    referendum:
                                                    Whatever you
                                                    do, don't mention
     the queen.

     Rather than go into bat for the happy and glorious Elizabeth Windsor
and her litter, the no case has focused on opposition to the particular
republic model on  offer -- a president appointed by two-thirds of parliament. 

     Their slogan says it all -- Vote No to the politicians' republic.
Kerry Jones, the convener of Australians for a Constitutional Monarchy and as
hard-bitten a right-wing scaremonger as you can get, has even made a deliberate
pitch to those wanting to directly elect the president, urging them to
vote no. 

     Undoubtedly, the monarchists' campaign has found fertile ground.
Politicians of all stripes are widely hated, and there is considerable,
justified,anger at the  exclusion of the popularly elected president
option from the November 6 ballot.
     The referendum's outcome is finely balanced and dependent on the
20-30% of don't knows. 

     A major part of the no case's success has come because the
monarchists haven't had to do it alone. Prominent direct-election
republicans,
such as former
     MPs Ted Mack and Phil Cleary, have given a radical tinge to the No
camp. 

     Many of their criticisms are correct: Cleary, for instance, argues
that the republic
     model put forward by Malcolm Turnbull's Australian Republican
Movement aims
     to provide empty symbolism rather than real democratic reform. Cleary
also
     argues, rightly, that the major parties are opposed to direct
election because it
     might endanger their own monopoly on political debate. 

     It seems that this argument is now being taken up by some further to
the left than
     Cleary and Mack. The International Socialist Organisation, for
example, in the
     October 22 issue of its newspaper, advocates, Stuff the bosses'
republic! Vote
     No, arguing, The `yes' case is not about democracy. It's about
nationalism. 

     There's an obvious flaw in such an argument. We can reject the
bosses'
     republic -- and be left with the bosses' constitutional monarchy!
Isn't getting rid
     of feudal relics a good thing? 

     More importantly, the left no case misses the real point of the
exercise. Which
     result, yes or no, will advance the interests of working people and
     democratic change more? 

     Cleary and the ISO both argue that if the ARM's model is defeated,
then there
     will be another chance soon enough, this time for a directly elected
president,
     whereas if the yes case wins, there will be no further such chance. 

     This is pure speculation. There are any number of scenarios. 

     Just as likely is that, if the no case wins, John Howard will smugly
claim an
     against-the-odds victory; the ARM will drop its support for a
republic
     altogether, knowing that the only possible republic would now be one
with a
     directly elected president; and together they conspire to bury the
republic in
     some back closet of Parliament House. 

     What will the political consequences of a no vote really be? Is it
really going to
     fire people up, increase their combativity and morale? 

     To see even such a minor reform to the system rejected would have to
have a
     debilitating effect on working people's confidence to fight for
greater, and more
     fundamental, democratic reform. 

     After all, many would think, if this can't get up, what chance do we
have of
     forcing a rewrite of Australia's undemocratic electoral laws? Or
getting a bill of
     rights which enshrines the right to free speech and free association?
Or investing
     working-class communities with real decision-making powers over their
     localities? 

     The left no case is clutching at straws: their sense of moral outrage
is well
     meant but, if successful, a no vote would have just the opposite
impact from
     what they think it will. 

     Far more worthwhile is the approach Green Left Weekly has put
forward:
     voting yes on November 6, writing elected by the people to indicate
what
     your real preferred option is and getting active in the movement for
change. Or,
     as yes campaigner Pat O'Shane put it, We'll take what we can now, and
then
     we'll take what we can later. 

     [Sean Healy is a member of the national executive of the Democratic
Socialist
     Party.] 







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