Thousands Come Out to Stop Klan Terror
Labor/Black Mobilization Rides KKK Out of NYC

New Yorkers came out in their thousands on October 23 determined to make sure the KKK 
didn't ride in their city. They were mobilized by the call initiated by the Partisan 
Defense Committee, "All Out to Stop' the KKK on Octo-ber 23!" Hundreds of working 
people, students and others joined in distributing 175,000 of the PDC's mobiliz-ing 
leaflet in workplaces, campuses and neighborhoods throughout the city.

Thousands came out in defiance of the~efforts of the Giuliani administration, its cops 
and the courts to deny their right to mobilize to stop the Klan. They came out in 
opposition to appeals by the phony "friends of labor" in the Democratic Party and 
self-appointed spokesmen for the black population who preached a "demonstration for 
tolerance" for the "rights" of the KKK. They knew this wasn't an issue of "free 
speech" but of stopping Klan ter-tor and murder. They came' out to drive the Klan 
lynch-ers off their streets. And that's exactly what they did.

Able to show their faces only under the protection of an army of cops, 17 Klansmen 
cowered outside the New York State Supreme Court, surrounded on all sides by at least, 
8,000 determined anti-Klan pro-testers. "Unmasked and Overwhelmed, the Klan Is 
Besieged at Rally," headlined the New York Times the next day. As these 
hooded-and-robed racists scurried back into the court-house under police escort barely 
mid-way through their scheduled rally, the trade unionists and others assembled under 
the PDC "Labor/Black Mobi-lization to Stop the KKK!" banner broke into. nonstop 
chanting: "We stopped the Klan! We stopped the Klan!"

Headed up by union marshals with their arms linked,   C they marched up Lafayette 
Street displaying in victory   t( the militancy, determination and defiance that was 
at the   C core of this mobilization centered on the social power of organized labor. 
"We gave a message to the city: This is not Klan country!" said a member of the Social 
Service Employees Union (SSEU) Local 371. Local 371 came together with members of 
Transport Workers Union (TWU) Local 100, postal, construction, civil service and many, 
many other trade unionists to form the backbone of the mobilization to stop the Klan.

These unionists, who knew that coming to a mobili-zation to stop the Klan was serious 
business, were above all what gave the mobilization its disciplined and deter-mined 
character. They acted as marshals to protect the mobilization at 100 Centre Street. In 
the vanguard was, SSEU Local 371, led by its president, Charle's Ensley, whose members 
stationed themselves right in front of the speaker's platform and then led a large 
contingent from 100 Centre Street to Foley Square a block away, where thousands of 
others had drifted in the hope of getting closer to the Klan. A thousand edgy cops, 
with many more in reserve, were restrained by this show of labor power.

The thousands who turned out saw this labor/black mobilization as their own, and many 
had indeed helped build it. Workers at transit locations, hospitals and UPS dep'ots, 
on buses and subways, at municipal office build-ings took stacks 'of leaflets to 
distribute and poster. Many demonstrators brought their own handmade signs or made 
them on the spot People called out suggestions for additional chants to the speaker's 
platform.

Student governments from Borough of Manhattan Community College, Lehman, Bronx 
Community, Hos-tos, as well as students and student organizations from Columbia and 
New York University, Sarah Lawrence, Cornell and many others, endorsed and helped 
build the mobilization to stop the Klan. Many students organized con-tingents from 
their campuses, which marched into the rally in groups. As the speaker for the 
Spartacus Youth Club-which helped build ~ampus support-read off the names of the 
colleges and college groups, students cheered loudly.

For hundreds of students, this was not only their first taste of mass political 
action, but their first sense of the social power of labor organized in racially 
inte-grated unions. Speakers from the student contingents spoke with fire and passion, 
as exemplified by a young woman from City College who declared: "We are here to tell 
the KKK that you are cowards and if you would like to come to Washington Heights, if 
you would like to come to Harlem, and if you'd like to come to Brooklyn, we are 
waiting! Harlem is waiting, KKK!"

A Workers Party in Action

What was seen in the streets of New ~ork City on October 23 was exactly what the PDC 
had said was necessary to stop the Klan: a powerful mobilization of the social power 
of the multiracial working class,. standing at the head of blacks, His-panics, Asians, 
immigrants, Jews, Catho-lics, gays, youth and all those the Klan has lined up in its 
sights. Our purpose was to give an organized and militant expression to the massive 
outrage against the Klan.

It was a united-front mobilization, which allowed for the expression of many diverse 
political viewpoints by all those who shared a commitment to the urgent necessity to 
stop the KKK. But it tapped into far more than that, intersecting the accumulated 
anger among the city's working people, particularly blacks and Hispanics, who are fed 
up with being pushed around for years in the one-sided war against workers and the 
poor.

It galvanized the anger against the marauding, racist cops which exploded earlier this 
year over the killing of black African Amadou Diallo by the NYPD. It gave expression 
to the hundreds of thou-sands in this city-from unionized work-ers to immigrant cab 
drivers and hot dog vendors, CUNY students, artists, AIDS victims-who have had it with 
Giuliani's mini-police state. It demonstrated an alternative to the Democratic Party 
politi-cians, their black front men and labor flunkies, who worked as feverishly to 
try to demobilize any independent outpouring of the working people and all the enemies 
of Klan terror as they had done to c6ntain the protests over the Diallo killing within 
the confines of electoral pressure politics.

Many of the thousands who mobilized behind the anti-Klan rally were looking for the 
answer not only to stopping Klan terror but to fighting back against the entire system 
of racist capitalist exploita-tion and oppression. Demonstrators lis-tened raptly to 
all the speeches from the platform. Many shouted, "That's right, that's right" when 
PDC labor coordinator Gene Herson denounced both the Demo-cratic and Republican 
parties as enemies of labor and the oppressed. Calls for the working people to build 
their own class party were met with applause.

What was seen on the streets of New York City on October 23 was a micro-cosm of a 
workers party in action, i.e., the working class mobilized in its own inter-ests, 
acting independently of the govern-ment and parties of the capitalist class. The 
?PDC-a class-struggle legal and social defense organization whose pur-pose is in 
accordance with the views of the Marxist Spartacist League-initiated the call which 
brought to bear the social power of labor and its strong, militant compo~ent of black 
workers in defense of all the oppressed. That same power, those same forces which 
stopped the Klan from riding can organize the unorganized and unemployed, can mobilize 
in defense of the masses in the ghettos and barrios, can crack the "open shop" 
South-itself a product of KKK anti-union terror.

The successful laboriblack mobilization brought to life the connection between labor's 
fight and the fight for black free-dom. Black oppression is the cornerstone of racist 
American capitalism. There is no road to eliminating the special oppression of black 
people other than the working-class conquest of power, and there will be no 
proletarian revolution to end class exploitation unless the working class actively 
takes up the fight for black rights.
The working class has the numbers, the organization and the power to win all those 
things that the ruling class appropri-ates for itself-health care, education, decent 
housing, abortion rights. What is lacking is the kind of leadership necessary to 
fight-a leadership of the unions that doesn't bow down to the bosses' laws, parties 
and state agencies, a workers party that doesn't respect the property "rights" of the 
bourgeoisie. We need a workers party that fights for a workers government to rip the 
means of production from the capitalist class and institute a planned socialist 
economy that operates not for the profit of a few greedy exploiters but for the 
working people who produce the wealth of society. That is the kind of workers party 
that we communists of the Spartacist League are fighting to build.

The Political Battle to Stop the Klan

Just as the mobilization to stop the Klan in New York City on October 23 gave a real 
taste of the social forces and leader-ship required for socialist revolution in this 
country, it also starkly exposed the enemies and obstacles to organizing struggles of 
the working class in its own interests and in the interests of all those at the bottom 
of this society. These included the capitalist cops, courts and Giuliani ~ity 
administration; the American Civil Liberties Union, which continued its revolting 
decades-long defense of constutional rights" for the fascist terrorists; the 
Democratic Party, whose calls for a "demonstration for tolerance" were aimed at trying 
to demobilize the working peo-ple and others who wanted to stop the Klan; Al Sharpton 
and the black establish-ment Amsterdam News, who grotesquely filed a court brief on 
behalf of the Klan; the International Socialist Organization (ISO), who leapt into the 
camp of Giu-liani, the Democrats, Sharpton, the ACLU and the Klan!
  against the PDC-initiated labor/black mobilization.

>From the day that the Klan's rally was publicly announced in a 13 October article in 
>the New York Post, there was a co~ten-tion of tw'o counterposed class forces-those 
>representing the interests. of the cap-italist ruling class and those representing 
>the interests of the working class and its allies. The moment the PDC heard of the 
>KKK's plans, it applied for a permit to hold a demonstration at the same time and 
>same place as the Klan's announced rally site, 100 Centre Street. The call for a 
>labor/black mobilization was issued immediately, and met with overwhelming support 
>when it hit the streets. This mobi-lization had an impact on city politics not seen 
>in years. The issue captured the front pages of the tabloids, dominated talk shows 
>and call-ins on black radio stations, reportedly split union executive boards and 
>drove the Democratic Party establish-ment to distraction.

The Giuliani administration and NYPD responded by setting to work in an attempt to 
block this mobilization. Col-luding with them was an unholy alliance ranging from the 
New York Civil Liberties Union's Norman Siegel, lawyer for the KKK, to Democratic 
State Assemblyman Scott Stringer and black Democrat Al Sharpton. The KKK's rally site 
was secretly moved a block away to 60 Cen-tre Street, information that was not made 
public for days. As it became clearthat thousands of New Yorkers were rallying behind 
the PDC's call, as tens of thou-sands of leaflets were distributed over the weekend of 
October 16-17, this cabal moved into high gear.

Stringer, joined by Sharpton and other Democratic Party pols, called a press 
con-ference on October 19 to announce that he had~applied for a permit for a 
"demonstration for tolerance at 60 Centre Street, where the Klan would stage its 
rally. That evening it came out, as a PDC press release reported, that Stringer & Co. 
were "colluding with the Klan and the Giuliani administration to cut a deal to share a 
sound permit with the KKK at 60 Centre Street." The following day, Sharpton filed his 
amicus brief on behalf of the Klan. We fought on behalf of the tens of thousands of 
New York's working people who wanted to stop the KKK, waging an incessant battle in 
the courts for their rights to free speech and assembly.

On October 21, a federal district court gave the Klansmen everything they had asked 
for and the working people were told they were to be muzzled. The court approved the 
deal cooked up by Siegel, Stringer and the Klan to share a sound permit and gave the 
KKK the right to stage their race-hate provocation in hoods with masks. The judges 
denied a sound permit for the labor/black mobilization at 60 Centre Street. As PDC 
counsel Rachel Wolkenstein declared, "This deal is an attempt to guarantee that only 
the Klan wilJ be heard and not their intended vic-tims." She added, "The denial of a 
sound permit to the anti-Klan rally is a provoca-tion against the mobilization 
organizers' ability to hold a militant, orderly mass demonstration. A rally without 
centrally located sound and leadership is like a car without a steering wheel."

Even the right~wing New York Post (23 October) denounced the court's decision that the 
anti-Klan mobilization could not use loudspeakers at the same~time as the KKK on the 
grounds that that would "snuff out the free speech" of the Klan. Indeed, the court 
ruling was a graphic illustration of the race and class bias of the capitalist 
"justice" system~a free ride for ~an terror and no rights for their intended victims! 
This was punctu-ated by the fact that the courthouse was literally used as a shelter 
for the KKK when it staged its race-hate rally.

When the Klan's permit to rally with masks was retracted in a federal appeals court on 
October 22, a disinformatiQn campaign was set in motion aimed at convincing people 
there was no reason to come out the next day since the KKK would not be there. A PDC 
press release that evening declared: "Whatever reports are circulating that the KKK 
currently has no permit t6 stage its race-hate prov-ocation, the working people of 
this city have no reason to trust the word of these racist terrorists or the Giuliani 
adminis-tration. The only way to guarantee that the Klan does not rear its head in New 
York tomorrow is if the streets are filled with its opponents."

And, on October 23, there were many thousands of determined opponents of the Klan 
filling the area around Centre Street. Here was the answer to Sharpton's defense of 
the Klan's right to "free speech." Many of those who came out had personal expe-rience 
with the burning cross, the lynch rope, the shotguns through which the Klan "speaks." 
Despite being separated by hel-meted riot cops and police barricades at dif-ferent 
locations, they had come out not to show ""olerance""for the KKK as preached by 
Stringer and the Democrats but in response to the PDC call to stop the KKK.

The ISO-Traitors Exposed

Except for some of the Democratic Party faithful, like Local 1199 president Dennis 
Rivera, and a token endorsement by the leadership of the Central Labor Council, 
Stringer, Sharpton et al.'s call for "tolerance" fell on deaf ears. The only 
organization to leap into Stringer's camp with energy and purpose was the 
Interna-tional Socialist Organization, which did its level best to give a cover to the 
Dem-ocratic Party-and the Klanagainst the organized working class.

The ISO endorsed a meeting called by a variety of lawyers and liberals to organ-ize 
behind Stringer's "demonstration for tolerance." When representatives of the P~C 
intervened to call for uniting all those who wanted to stop the Klan on October 23, 
there were no takers. While Sharpton was outrageously defending the Klan's "rights" in 
court, at the meeting the ISO enthused over what a good speaker Sharpton was and how 
many people he would draw to the Democratic Party diversion! As it turned 6ut, 
Sharpton never even showed up on October 23, doubtless not anxious to face the jeers 
of the thou-sands who had come out to stop the KKK. But the ISO was there with bells 
on.

While shamelessly enlisting with the Democrats, the ISO tried to cover its des-picable 
role by issuing a little-distributed leaflet under the heading "Stop the Klan!"' Since 
their main purpose was opposed to stopping the KKK, this was pure cynicism. On site on 
October 23, the ISO continued to try to deceive people who had mobilized in response 
to the PDC's call by steering them into the site of the Democrats' location, which was 
a police trap. When people discovered this deception, many who tried to leave found 
their way blocked by the cops.

Having been provided a temporary, if unwitting, audience by the ISO's treach-ery, 
Democrats like Senator Charles Schumer and others tried to turn the event into an 
election rally. They were repeat-edly booed by the angry protesters who had not come 
out for election speeches or messages of "tolerance" but to stop Klan terror. While 
the anti-Klan demonstrators understood the role of the cops in protect-ing these 
nightriding terrorists, the ISO speaker stood in front of the banner of the Latino 
Officers Association. This is not unusual for the ISO, which has a long his-tory of 
viewing the cops as "workers" and upholding their "right" to organize. Will these 
social democrats whose British paper once headlined "Are All Coppers Really Bastards?" 
now ask, "Are all Klansmen really bastards?"

With the ISO acting as the donkeys for the Democratic Party in trying to demo-bilize 
the mass labor-centered protest to stop the Klan, whatever pretenses it had to the 
cause of "workers power" have been stripped bare. The ISO stands exposed as the 
servants of capital against the interests of the working class, black people and all 
the oppressed.

While the rest of the left did not play so forward a role as the ISO in serving the 
interests of the Democratic Party, most remained silent in the face of the deadly Klan 
threat until Stringer and Sharpton started to call for a liberal diversion. The 
Communist Party endorsed the Stringer rally. Workers World Party (WWP) tried to have 
it both ways. Feigning some mock
independence from the Democrats, they called for people to assemble at Stringer's 
site, but somewhat later than the official starting time. Then, on October 23, WWP 
also had people at the PDC rally site, where they handed out placards that called to 
"stop the Klan" and for a "new trial" for black death row political pris-oner Mumia 
Abu-Jamal.When SYC com-rades pointed out that this sowed illusions in the very same 
courts that had sen-tenced Jamal to death and had upheld the "right" to Klan terror, 
many of the people who had unwittingly taken WWP's plac-ards traded them in for PDC 
placards demanding freedom for Jamal.

In a very unusual move, the Stalin-lovers of Progressive Labor Party (PL), who smear 
"Trotskyites" as fascists, called on people to assemble at the site of the PDC 
mobilization, signing an en-dorsement form on the spot. Now a PL Internet statement 
crows how "thou-sands" were "led by PLP" and asserts, "It took the PLP to lead a 
breakaway march of hundreds who really wanted to con-front the Klan." In fact, what PL 
did was "lead" itself straight into a line of riot cops a short distance away. PL's 
whole strategy of individual confrontations with the cops and the fascists is based on 
a rejection of the working class as a force for social struggle. Giuliani's cops did 
arrest several anti-Klan protesters on October 23. We demand: Drop all the charges now!

The self-proclaimed redder-than-red communists of PL-who can't tell the difference 
between a trade union and right-wing religious bigots like the Prom-ise Keepers-are 
guided by absolutely no class criteria. Thus, they expressed no solidarity with the 
powerful Teamsters
union during its strike against the UPS bosses. Instead, they dismissed this strug-gle 
as a battle between two wings of the ruling class! With its utter contempt for the 
organized working class, PL's cries of "Kick the bosses in the ass" and "Death to the 
Klan" are little more than the bleat-ings of grandstanding liberals.

Linking the Power of Labor to the Anger of the Ghettos

The clear intent of the liberal Demo-crats and their allies was to block any 
independent expression of the power of labor and its allies to stop the Klan on 
October 23. But they seriously miscalcu-lated the outrage throughout this city against 
the Klan rally and failed miserably in their efforts. Throughout the building for this 
labor/black mobilization, the Democrats and their laborlackeys evi-dently realized 
they couldn't even try the usual violence-baiting and redbait-mg of the PDC which has 
been attempt-ed against previous PDC-initiated anti-fascist mobilizations. That's not 
because they had any less fear of or hostilit~ to labor being mobilized behind a 
class-struggle program, but because they recog-nized they couldn't openly come out 
against the labor/black mobilization to stop the Klan in a city where the 
over-whelming mass of the population is directly in the cross hairs of the racist 
terrorists.

Many unions told us that they cotildn't endorse the PDC mobilization because their 
leadership was split over the question. Nonetheless, a number that didn't endorse 
asked for stacks of the PDC's mobilizing leaflet to put in their union halls. Dennis 
Rivera, who runs a well-oiled machine in Local 1199, made no overt attempt to mobilize 
his membership behind Stringer's "free speech" diversion. Likewise, the hidebound 
craft-union bureaucrats at the head of the Central Labor Council who endorsed 
Stringer's "demonstration for tol-erance" did not put out the word that trade 
unionists should stay away from the labor/black mobilization.

What was reflected here was the fear of the labor bureaucrats and black Democrats that 
by opposing the PDC's anti-Klan mobilization theY could potentially detonate the anger 
building at the base of the unions, the outrage in the ghettos and barrios. But that 
didn't stop them from trying to head it off.

In defending their legal efforts on behalf of the Klan, the editors of the Amsterdam 
News grotesquely echoed the racists who compared the Klan with Khallid Muhammad. 
Condemning this equation of the victims of Klan terror with its perpetrators, PDC 
labor coordi-nator Gene Herson responded: "The pur-pose of this is to conceal the real 
enemy and deny the true nature of the KKK. Khallid Muhammad is an anti-Semitic 
demagogue, but that's all he is. The Klan is a terrorist action group whose purpose is 
genocide." Speaking at a PDC press conference on October 19, Jim Webb of the Coalition 
of Black Trade Unionists added, "Khallid has never murdered, lynched, burned churches, 
synagogues and homes."

In its call initiating this mobilization, the PDC noted that the Klan was makipg a big 
mistake by thinking it could ride in New York City, and October 23 proved that. The 
thousands who turned out that day sent a powerful message that the KKK had better not 
try it again. This mobiliza-tion was also a powerful response to the demagogy Qf 
Muhammad and his former mentor, Louis Farrakhan, who seek to channel the anger of the 
ghetto into big-otry against Jewish, Arab and Asian shop-keepers in order that they 
can be the sole exploiters of the ghetto masses. This response was palpable in 
minority neigh-borhoods throughout the city.
A Korean shopkeeper in Harlem came out of his store to donate money and hand out 
leaflets to build for the anti-Klan mobilization. In Chinatown, a mer-chant took a 
stack of leaflets and taught PDC soapboxers how to say "stop the Klan" in Chinese, 
immediately drawing sympathetic crowds. At the mobilization itself, many black 
participants remarked on the multiracial character of the turn-out and echoed 
denunciations of anti-Semitism from the speaker's platform.

In contrast to the preaching of liberal "diversity"-like Jesse Jackson's "rain-bow 
coalition" or David Dinkins' "beau-tiful mosaie"-which means acceptance of the racist 
status quo and Democratic Party ethnic politics, this was a powerful demonstration of 
class unity and unity of the oppressed behind the social power of the multiracial 
working class. One chant in particular resonated at the PDC mobi-lizati on: "Asian, 
Latin, black and white-Workers of the world, unite!" Everyone could see that 
proletarian power right before their eyes in this labor-centered anti-Klan 
mobilization.

The Fight for a Workers America

The Klan was born out of the bloody reaction in the South following the defeat of the 
slavocracy in the American Civil War. These were the hooded-and-robed agents of the 
former Confederacy, who carried out a campaignof teiror, intimida-tion, mutilation and 
murder aimed at stran-gling the political rights that were won by th~ freed slaves 
during Reconstruction. The KKK spearheaded the restoration of white supremacy in the 
form of the system of Jim Crow segregation that held sway for nearly ~ century. It 
heralded a resurgence, reaching several million strong in the 1920s, with the lynching 
of Jewish busi-nessman Leo Frank in Georgia ia l915.

Today the Klan is the lowlife, terrorist bunch held in reserve by the American 
capitalist ruling class. This ruling class, a tiny minority which expropriates all the 
real wealth of this society, believes that everyone else has no rights which this 
rich, white man's government is bound to respect. This capitalist ruling class needs 
the homegrown Nazis of the KKK, to be deployed to crush the organizations of the 
working class when the masses can no longer be lulled by the lie that their interests 
are represented by capital-ist "democracy."

The political battle required to build the Labor/black mobilization which stopped the 
Klan from riding in NYC contains important lessons for all those who want to struggle 
against union-busting, racism, poverty, homelessness, war and all the other hideous 
expressions of a system rooted in exploitation and racial oppres-sion. Central is that 
the capitalist state is not neutral. It is the instrument for organ-ized violence to 
ensure the rule of one class-the capitalists-over another class, the proletariat. As 
Marxists, we know that the bourgeois state at its core consists of special armed 
bodies of men-the cops, the military, the prison system and the whole 'justice 
system"-whose job is to protect the profits and rule of the capital-ists and to 
repress the workers. All histor-ical experience has shown that the work-ing class 
cannot reform the state and use it in its own interests but must create its own state, 
a workers state. The revolution-ary fight for proletarian state pow!
 er is the only road to black freedom and the eman-cipation of labor and all the 
oppressed.

We didn't invent the perspective on which our anti-Klan mobilizations are based. It is 
the concrete application of the experience of the Bolshevik Party which led the first, 
and only, successful working-class revolution in hist6ry-the October Revolution of 
1917. Like the pro-capitalist trade-union bureaucracy in this country which undermines 
the gains that were won through hard class s~rug-gle, the gains of the Russian 
Revolution were betrayed by the Stalinist bureauc-racy which hijacked the exercise of 
polit-ical power by the workers. Paralleling the policies of the AFL-CIO tops, the 
Stalin-ists pursued class collaboration, not inter-nationalist class struggle. 
Ultimately, this led to the destruction of the Soviet Union
by the forces of imperialism and domes-tic counterrevolution in 1991-92.

Since then, the imperialist rulers have been celebrating the "death of commu-nism." 
But communism isn't dead-it is the program that expresses the class inter-ests of the 
workers and oppressed, grow-ing out of their aspirations and struggles for a society 
of genuine equality and social justice. What is needed to real-ize those aspirations 
is a workers party, which can bring the consciousness to the working class of its 
social power and his toric interests in fighting the rule of cap-ital and every 
manifestation of the barbar-ity of this system. What is needed is a workers 
revolution, which will break the power of the few and liberate the many-the working 
people and their allies-who will employ the wealth created by their labor for the 
benefit of the majority both in America and around the globe. On October 23, thousands 
of New York's working people and minorities got a small taste of that workers power. 

Workers Vanguard 

Join the Labor Black Leagues!


It You Stand For-

1 Full rights for black people and for everyone else in jobs, housing and schools! 
Defeat the racist assault on affirmative action! For union-run minor-ity job 
recruitment and training pro-grams! For union hiring halls! Open up the universities 
to all-for open admis-sions, free tuition and a full living sti-pend for all students. 
Free, quality, inte-grated public education for all!

2 A fighting labor movement-picket lines mean don't cross! Defeat police scabherding 
and strikebreaking through mass pickets and union defense guards! For sit-down strikes 
against mass lay-offs! Fight union-busting, keep the capi-talist courts out of the 
unions! Organize the unorganized, unionize the South! Jobs for all-for a shorter 
workweek at no loss in pay with full cost-of-living escalator clause! Cops and prison 
guards out of the unions!

3 Fight for women's rights! Defend abortion clinics! Free abortion on de-mand; free, 
quality 24-hour childcare! Equal pay for equal work! For free, qual-ity health care 
for all!

4 Full citizenship rights for all immi-grants; everyone who made it into this country 
has the right to stay and live decently! Stop deportations! No to racist "English 
only" laws! Down with anti-Hispanic, anti-Semitic, anti-Arab and anti-Asian bigotry!

5 Down with anti-gay laws! Full demo-cratic rights for homosexuals! Govern-ment out of 
the bedroom!

6 Mass laboriblackifiispanic mobiliza-tions drawing on the power of the unions against 
the racist terrorists. Stop the Nlzis! Stop the KKK!

7 Abolish the racist death penalty! Free Mumia Abu-Jamal! Free all victims of racist 
capitalist repression! No faith in the capitalist courts! No td gun control! Defend 
victims of cop terror and racist police frame-up! For class-struggle, non-sectarian 
legal and social defense; sup-port the work of the Partisan Defense Committee!

8 Unconditional opposition to every attempt to abolish welfare! Down with slavelabor, 
union~busting "workfare" schemes! Fight any and every attempt of the government to 
take away or cut back even more social programs suh as Social Security, Medicare, 
Medicaid, public health and aid to education and housing! For a massive Program of 
pub-lic works~high~quality integrated housing, schools, libraries, hospitals for the 
working people and the poor!

9 Down with the chauvinist poison of protectionism! For international working-class 
solidarity! Support revolutionary struggles of working people abroad! Defend Cuba, 
Vietnam, China and North Korea against capitalist restoration and imperialist attack! 
For labor action against U.S. imperialist war moves and military adventures! For the 
right of independ-ence for Puerto Rico! U.S. troops out of Puerto Rico and the 
Caribbean!

10 Down with the Democrats and Republicans! For a revolutionary workers party that 
champions the cause of all the oppressed! Finish the Civil War! Those who labor must 
rule! For a work-ers government to take industry away from its racist, incompetent and 
corrupt owners! Rebuild America on a socialist planned economy!


-Join the Labor Black Leagues!
Membership pledge is
$3/year unemployed; $10/year employed.
For more information, write:

CHICAGO (312) 454-4930
Labor Black Struggle League
Box 6938, Chicago, IL 60680

NEW YORK (212)267-1025
Labor Black League for Social Defense
Box 2502, Church St. Station
New York, NY 10008

OAKLAND (510) 839-0851
Labor Black League for Social Defense
Box 29497
Oakland, CA 94604
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  • M-T... George Pennefather
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